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Report to the Ranking Member, Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous 
Materials, Committee on Energy and Commerce, House of Representatives:

July 2005:

Environmental Justice:

EPA Should Devote More Attention to Environmental Justice When 
Developing Clean Air Rules:

[Hyperlink, http://www.gao.gov/cgi-bin/getrpt?GAO-05-289]:

GAO Highlights:

Highlights of GAO-05-289, a report to the Ranking Member, Subcommittee 
on Environment and Hazardous Materials, Committee on Energy and 
Commerce, House of Representatives.

Why GAO Did This Study:

Executive Order 12898 made achieving “environmental justice” part of 
the mission of the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) and other 
federal agencies. According to EPA, environmental justice involves fair 
treatment of people of all races, cultures, and incomes. EPA developed 
guidance for considering environmental justice during the development 
of rules under the Clean Air Act and other activities.

GAO was asked to examine how EPA considered environmental justice 
during two phases of developing clean air rules: (1) drafting the rule, 
including activities of the workgroup that considered regulatory 
options, the economic review of the rule’s costs, and making the 
proposed rule available for public comment, and (2) finalizing the 
rule, including addressing public comments and revising the economic 
review. GAO reviewed the three clean air rules described in the next 
column.

What GAO Found:

When drafting the three clean air rules, EPA generally devoted little 
attention to environmental justice. While EPA guidance on rulemaking 
states that workgroups should consider environmental justice early in 
this process, GAO found that a lack of guidance and training for 
workgroup members on identifying environmental justice issues may have 
limited their ability to identify such issues. In addition, while EPA 
officials stated that economic reviews of proposed rules consider 
potential environmental justice impacts, the gasoline and diesel rules 
did not provide decision makers with environmental justice analyses, 
and EPA has not identified all the types of data necessary to analyze 
such impacts. Finally, in all three rules, EPA mentioned environmental 
justice when they were published in proposed form, but the discussion 
in the ozone implementation rule was contradictory. 

In finalizing the three clean air rules, EPA considered environmental 
justice to varying degrees. Public commenters stated that all three 
rules, as proposed, raised environmental justice issues. In responding 
to such comments on the gasoline rule, EPA published its belief that 
the rule would not create such issues, but did not publish the data and 
assumptions supporting its belief. Specifically, EPA did not publish 
(1) its estimate that potentially harmful air emissions would increase 
in 26 of the 86 counties with refineries affected by the rule or (2) 
its assumption that this estimate overstated the eventual increases in 
refinery emissions. For the diesel rule, in response to refiners’ 
concerns that their permits could be delayed if environmental justice 
issues were raised by citizens, EPA stated that the permits would not 
be delayed by such issues. Moreover, after reviewing the comments, EPA 
did not change its final economic reviews to discuss the gasoline and 
diesel rules’ potential environmental justice impacts. Finally, the 
portions of the ozone implementation rule that prompted the comments 
about environmental justice were not included in the final rule. 
Overall, EPA officials said that these rules, as published in final 
form, did not create an environmental justice issue.

What GAO Recommends:

GAO recommends, among other things, that EPA improve workgroups’ 
ability to identify environmental justice issues and enhance the 
ability of its economic reviews to analyze potential environmental 
justice impacts. EPA disagreed with the recommendations because it 
believes it pays appropriate attention to environmental justice. GAO 
believes the recommendations are still valid.

[Hypertext, http://www.gao.gov/cgi-bin/getrpt?GAO-05-289].

To view the full product, including the scope and methodology, click on 
the link above. For more information, contact John B. Stephenson at 
(202) 512-3841.

Contents:

Letter:

Results in Brief:

Background:

EPA Generally Devoted Little Attention to Environmental Justice in 
Drafting Three Rules:

EPA Considered Environmental Justice to Varying Degrees in Finalizing 
Three Rules:

Conclusions:

Recommendations for Executive Action:

Agency Comments and Our Evaluation:

Appendixes:

Appendix I: Information about the Three Final Clean Air Rules That We 
Examined:

Appendix II: EPA's Consideration of Environmental Justice in the 
Drafting of Three Proposed Clean Air Rules:

Workgroups Devoted Little Attention to Environmental Justice:

Little Attention Was Devoted to Environmental Justice in the Economic 
Reviews:

Proposed Rules Did Not Discuss Environmental Justice:

Appendix III: Scope and Methodology:

Appendix IV: Comments from the Environmental Protection Agency:

GAO Comments:

Appendix V: GAO Contact and Staff Acknowledgments:

Tables:

Table 1: Changes in Estimated Emissions of National Air Pollutants, 
1995-2004:

Table 2: EPA Guidance for Discussion of Executive Orders in Proposed 
Rules:

Table 3: Estimated Potential Changes in Selected Emissions in 2007 
Resulting from the Gasoline Rule in Counties with Refineries:

Table 4: Information about Three Proposed Clean Air Rules:

[End of Section]

Letter:

July 22, 2005:

The Honorable Hilda L. Solis:
Ranking Member:
Subcommittee on Environment and Hazardous Materials:
Committee on Energy and Commerce:
House of Representatives:

Dear Ms. Solis:

Low-income and minority populations are disproportionately exposed to 
air pollution and other environmental risks, according to Environmental 
Protection Agency (EPA) studies. For example, a 1991 study cited by EPA 
found that African Americans and Hispanics were more likely to be 
exposed to ground-level ozone and several other air pollutants known to 
cause health problems. In 1992, EPA established an office to address 
environmental pollution affecting racial minorities and low-income 
communities. Efforts to identify and address disproportionately high 
and adverse impacts on specific populations and communities are 
commonly referred to under the term "environmental justice."

In 1994, President Clinton issued Executive Order 12898, which stated 
that EPA and other federal agencies, to the greatest extent practicable 
and permitted by law, shall make achieving environmental justice part 
of their missions by identifying and addressing, as appropriate, the 
disproportionately high and adverse human health or environmental 
effects of their programs, policies, and activities on minority 
populations and low-income populations in the United States. To 
implement the executive order, EPA developed guidance for incorporating 
environmental justice into specific program areas. One such program 
area is EPA's implementation and enforcement of the Clean Air Act, a 
comprehensive law intended, in part, to control emissions that have 
been found to harm human health. To implement the act, EPA--among other 
things--develops, implements, and enforces rules on the amount of 
various pollutants that may be emitted by mobile sources (such as cars, 
trucks, and other vehicles) and stationary sources (such as power 
plants and refineries).

According to EPA guidance, environmental justice and other specific 
factors are to be considered at various points during the development 
of a rule. For example, to draft a proposed rule, EPA establishes a 
workgroup, comprised of officials from relevant offices within the 
agency, to consider various options and typically recommend one option 
to managers. EPA guidance, issued in 1994 and 2004, reinforced 
Executive Order 12898 by suggesting that environmental justice be 
considered early in the rulemaking process.[Footnote 1] Also, the Clean 
Air Act, other statutes, and executive orders require EPA to prepare an 
economic review of the proposed rule's costs and other impacts. EPA 
guidance specifies that this review will consider the rule's potential 
total costs to society (which could include adverse health effects due 
to exposure to pollutants), including the distribution of those costs 
among various social and economic groups. Finally, after the approval 
of all relevant offices within EPA, the proposed rule is published in 
the Federal Register, and a public comment period is opened to solicit 
formal public comment on the proposed rule. Further, the Clean Air Act 
requires EPA to allow the submission of public comments, and the final 
rule must be accompanied by a response to each of the significant 
comments. Significant public comments that raise environmental justice 
issues would be addressed along with any other significant public 
comments on the proposed rule. After considering formal public comments 
and sometimes changing the economic review and the rule as a result, 
EPA publishes the final rule in the Federal Register and on the 
Internet. After a specified time period, the rule goes into effect.

In this context, you asked us to determine how EPA considered 
environmental justice in both drafting and finalizing significant clean 
air rules between fiscal years 2000 and 2004. Drafting the rule 
included initial reports flagging potential issues for senior 
management, activities of the workgroups that considered regulatory 
options, the economic review of the proposed rule's costs, and making 
the proposed rule available for public comment. Finalizing the rule 
included addressing public comments, revising the economic review, and 
publication of the final review in the Federal Register.

To address these objectives, we analyzed EPA documents and held 
discussions with EPA officials in Washington, D.C; Anne Arbor, 
Michigan; and Research Triangle Park, North Carolina, relating to three 
final clean air rules that were considered significant by EPA and the 
Office of Management and Budget (OMB) and were finalized between 
October 1, 1999, and September 30, 2004. In order to identify the rules 
we would review in detail, we initially analyzed a database of clean 
air rules finalized between fiscal years 2000 and 2004. We then 
selected rules for review (1) that involved the EPA Administrator's 
office or extensive cross-agency involvement and (2) that were sent to 
OMB for review. Rules are sent to OMB for review if their expected 
annual costs or benefits exceed $100 million, if they raise novel legal 
or policy issues, or if they may interfere with actions undertaken by 
another federal agency or a state, local, or tribal government. We 
examined two mobile source rules: one rule addressed, among other 
things, the sulfur content of gasoline used in cars and similar 
vehicles (the gasoline rule, promulgated in 2000), and a second rule 
addressed, among other things, the sulfur content of diesel fuel used 
in trucks and similar vehicles (the diesel rule, promulgated in 2001). 
We also examined the rule for implementing the 8-hour ozone national 
ambient air quality standard (the ozone implementation rule, 
promulgated in 2004). A more detailed description of these rules can be 
found in appendix I. We also selected these rules because, of the 19 
clean air rules finalized during this period that met our criteria, 
they are the only 3 that included the terms "environmental justice" or 
"Executive Order 12898" in the final rule. We believed that compared 
with the other 16 rules, these 3 were more likely to include an in- 
depth consideration of environmental justice by EPA. Therefore, these 3 
rules are not likely to be representative of all 19 rules.

In addition, we are including information in this report on how EPA 
considered environmental justice in drafting three proposed rules of 
substantial congressional interest, detailed in appendix II. We did not 
review how EPA considered environmental justice when finalizing these 
rules because they had not been finalized when we completed our initial 
fieldwork. Additional details about our scope and methodology are 
provided in appendix III. We conducted our work between July 2004 and 
May 2005 in accordance with generally accepted government auditing 
standards.

Results in Brief:

We found that in four phases of drafting three significant clean air 
rules between fiscal years 2000 and 2004, EPA generally devoted little 
attention to environmental justice. First, initial reports used to flag 
potential issues for senior management did not address environmental 
justice. Second, although EPA guidance suggests that workgroups should 
consider ways to build in environmental justice provisions early in the 
rulemaking process, there is reason to question whether this occurred 
for the three rules we examined. Specifically, the chairs of two 
workgroups said they did not consider environmental justice, although 
other workgroup members said that it was considered. Members of the 
third workgroup said they did consider environmental justice, but they 
could not provide us with details on how they did so. Regardless of the 
extent of discussions, we identified several factors that could have 
limited the workgroups' ability to identify potential environmental 
justice issues. For example, workgroup members received no guidance on 
how to identify potential environmental justice problems in the 
drafting of a rule and received little, if any, training about 
environmental justice.

Third, although EPA officials told us that for the proposed rules, 
their economic reviews--which are intended to inform decision makers of 
the social consequences of the rules--considered environmental justice, 
we found that the reviews for the proposed gasoline and diesel rules 
did not include environmental justice analyses. Moreover, EPA has not 
identified all of the types of data necessary to perform such an 
analysis. Finally, in publishing the proposed rules (an opportunity for 
EPA to explain how it considered environmental justice), EPA mentioned 
environmental justice in all three cases, but the discussion was 
contradictory in one case. Specifically, the proposed ozone 
implementation rule stated in one section that it would not raise any 
environmental justice issues. However, in another section, the rule 
specifically invited comments on an option to concentrate commercial 
and residential growth, which it recognized might raise environmental 
justice concerns. The proposed gasoline rule stated that environmental 
justice is an important economic dimension to consider, but it did not 
describe whether or how it was considered. In a section on 
environmental justice, the proposed diesel rule noted that it would 
improve air quality across the country and could be expected to 
mitigate environmental justice concerns about diesel emissions in urban 
areas.

We found that, in three phases of finalizing the three clean air rules 
between fiscal years 2000 and 2004, EPA considered environmental 
justice to varying degrees. First, public commenters raised concerns 
about environmental justice in connection with all three rules as 
proposed, and EPA generally responded to these comments, although not 
always thoroughly. For example, EPA received comments that refinery 
emissions would increase under the gasoline rule, and that such an 
increase would create environmental justice issues. EPA responded that 
an increase in refinery emissions was possible but--because of 
projected reductions in vehicle emissions--overall emissions near 
refineries were unlikely to increase. However, EPA did not explain the 
basis for this response. Specifically, EPA did not publish its estimate 
that potentially harmful emissions would increase in 26 of the 86 
counties with refineries affected by the rule, nor did it publish its 
assumption that this estimate overstated the eventual increases in 
refinery emissions. For the diesel rule, where similar concerns were 
raised that refinery emissions would increase, EPA conducted no 
additional analyses. In response to refiners' concerns that their 
permits could be delayed if environmental justice issues were raised by 
citizens, EPA stated that it did not believe the permits would be 
delayed by such issues. For the ozone implementation rule, EPA received 
comments on environmental justice, but these comments did not relate to 
the provisions included in the final rule. Second, after reviewing 
public comments, EPA made no changes to how potential environmental 
justice impacts were addressed in the final economic reviews, and thus 
the final economic reviews generally did not provide decision makers 
with an environmental justice analysis. Finally, in publishing the 
three rules in final form, which was another opportunity for EPA to 
explain how it considered environmental justice, EPA stated explicitly 
that one rule would not create an environmental justice issue. However, 
EPA did not explicitly state whether the other two rules would create 
an environmental justice issue, although the preambles to both rules 
discussed the mitigation of potential environmental justice effects. 
EPA officials told us that they believed that none of the rules did 
create environmental justice issues.

We recommend in this report that the EPA Administrator, among other 
things, improve the workgroups' ability to identify environmental 
justice concerns--for example, by providing better guidance and 
training--and enhance the ability of its economic reviews to analyze 
potential environmental justice impacts.

We received comments from EPA in a letter dated June 10, 2005 (see app. 
IV). First, EPA expressed the view that its rules have resulted in 
better air quality nationally. Second, EPA stated that in examining the 
agency's process for considering environmental justice, we asked the 
wrong question and that we should have focused on the outcome of the 
rulemaking process--the rules themselves. Finally, EPA stated that our 
evidence of how it considered environmental justice during the 
development of the three final rules did not support our conclusions 
and recommendations, and it provided detailed information about the 
efforts it took relating to environmental justice for the three final 
rules.

We question the relevance of the information provided on air quality 
nationally and disagree with EPA's other two points. First, EPA's 
statements that clean air rules have resulted in better air quality 
nationally at some level misses the point. Executive Order 12898 calls 
on agencies to identify and address the disproportionately high and 
adverse effects of its programs, policies, and activities on specific 
groups. For example, such groups could include those who live near 
refineries and may be exposed to increased emissions as a result of the 
two mobile source rules, but EPA provided no information on such 
groups. Second, EPA suggested that it would have been more appropriate 
for us to look at the outcomes of its efforts than at the process that 
produced the outcomes. We agree with EPA that outcomes are important, 
but it is not yet clear whether the rules we examined will address 
environmental justice issues effectively because the rules are being 
implemented over the next several years. It is also important to 
examine the process that led to the rules--as we did. The various 
process steps are intended to help ensure that EPA's activities during 
the many phases of drafting and finalizing all rules are efficiently 
and effectively focused on achieving the desired outcomes.

Third, although EPA stated that our evidence did not support our 
conclusions and recommendations, it did not challenge the accuracy of 
the information we provided on how it considered environmental justice 
during the many phases of developing the three final rules discussed in 
the body of our report and the three proposed rules discussed in 
appendix II. While EPA provided detailed information on certain 
activities and the rationale for undertaking them, our report already 
discussed nearly all of these activities. For example, EPA noted at 
length its efforts, after drafting the gasoline rule, to hold 
discussions with environmental justice and other groups on issues 
relating to permits that refiners would need if they increased their 
emissions to comply with the rule. We already acknowledged these 
efforts in our report. However, EPA's efforts at this stage do not 
mitigate the fact that it devoted little attention to environmental 
justice up to that point, or the fact that discussions with affected 
groups while beneficial, do not offset the effects of possible 
increases in refinery emissions on these groups. EPA is essentially 
relying on state and local governments to deal with environmental 
justice concerns as they implement the gasoline and diesel rules at the 
refinery level, even though the executive order does not apply to state 
or local governments, and absent specific state or local law, they have 
no obligation to consider environmental justice when issuing permits. 
In addition, the three final rules were selected in part because they 
mentioned environmental justice and therefore should have showcased 
EPA's efforts to consider environmental justice. Thus, we continue to 
believe that the evidence we provided supports our conclusions and 
recommendations.

Background:

Even before Executive Order 12898 was issued in 1994, EPA took steps to 
address environmental justice. For example, in 1992, it established the 
Office of Environmental Equity, which is now known as the Office of 
Environmental Justice, to focus on environmental pollution affecting 
racial minorities and low-income communities, but this office has no 
specific role in rulemaking. In 1993, EPA created the National 
Environmental Justice Advisory Committee to provide independent advice 
and recommendations to the Administrator on environmental justice 
matters.

The 1994 executive order stated that EPA and other federal agencies, to 
the extent practicable and permitted by law, shall make achieving 
environmental justice part of their missions by identifying and 
addressing, as appropriate, the disproportionately high and adverse 
human health or environmental effects of their programs, policies, and 
activities on minority populations and low-income populations in the 
United States. The executive order does not create a right to sue the 
government or seek any judicial remedy for an agency's failure to 
comply with the order.

After the issuance of the executive order, EPA took additional steps to 
identify and address environmental justice. Among other things, in 
1994, the Administrator issued guidance for the rulemaking process 
suggesting that environmental justice be considered early in the 
rulemaking process. In 1995, EPA issued an Environmental Justice 
Strategy that included, among other things, (1) ensuring that 
environmental justice is incorporated into the agency's regulatory 
process, (2) continuing to develop human exposure data through model 
development, and (3) enhancing public participation in agency decision 
making. In 2001, the Administrator issued a memorandum defining 
environmental justice more broadly to mean "the fair treatment of 
people of all races, cultures, and incomes, with respect to the 
development, implementation, and enforcement of environmental laws and 
policies, and their meaningful involvement in the decision making 
processes of the government." In 2004, EPA developed new guidance for 
rulemaking that, like its earlier 1994 guidance, suggested that 
environmental justice be considered early in the rulemaking process.

Under the Clean Air Act, EPA, along with state and local government 
units and other entities, regulates air emissions of various substances 
that harm human health. According to EPA data, from 1995 though 2004, 
emissions of certain air pollutants have declined from 15 percent to as 
much 31 percent, as shown in table 1.

Table 1: Changes in Estimated Emissions of National Air Pollutants, 
1995-2004:

Type of air pollutant emission: Carbon monoxide;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 120.0;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 87.2;
Percentage change: (27%).

Type of air pollutant emission: Nitrogen oxides;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 24.7;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 18.8;
Percentage change: (24%).

Type of air pollutant emission: Sulfur dioxide;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 18.6;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 15.2;
Percentage change: (18%).

Type of air pollutant emission: Particulate matter[B];
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 3.1;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 2.5;
Percentage change: (19%).

Type of air pollutant emission: Volatile organic compounds;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 21.6;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 15.0;
Percentage change: (31%).

Type of air pollutant emission: Lead;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 1995: 0.0039;
Air emission amount (millions of tons per year): 2004[A]: 0.0033;
Percentage change: (15%).

Source: GAO analysis of EPA data.

[A] Data for 2004 are preliminary.

[B] Particulate matter measuring 10 microns or less.

[End of table]

In addition, EPA sets primary national ambient air quality standards 
for six principal pollutants that harm human health and the 
environment. These standards are to be set at a level that protects 
human health with an adequate margin of safety, which, according to 
EPA, includes protecting sensitive populations, such as the elderly and 
people with respiratory or circulatory problems. These six pollutants 
include the five types of emissions listed in table 1, along with 
ozone, which is not emitted directly but is formed when nitrogen oxides 
and volatile organic compounds react in the presence of sunlight. 
According to EPA, in 2003, about 161 million people (about 56 percent 
of the population) lived in areas where the concentration of ozone met 
the standard; about 120 million people (41 percent) lived in areas 
where the concentration of particulate matter met EPA's standard; and 
about 168 million people (58 percent) lived in areas where the 
concentrations of the other four pollutants met the standards.

EPA has a multistage process for developing clean air and other rules 
that it considers high priority (the top two of three priority levels) 
because of the expected involvement of the Administrator, among other 
factors. Initially, a workgroup chair is chosen from the lead program 
office, such as the Office of Air and Radiation (Air Office) in the 
case of clean air rulemaking. The workgroup chair assigns the rule one 
of the three priority levels, and EPA's top management makes a final 
determination of the rule's priority. The priority level assigned 
depends on such factors as the level of the Administrator's involvement 
and whether more than one office in the agency is involved. The 
gasoline, diesel, and ozone implementation rules were classified as 
high-priority rules on the basis of these factors. In addition, these 
rules were considered significant because they had an effect of $100 
million or more a year on the economy, or they raised novel legal or 
policy issues and, therefore, were required under Executive Order 12866 
to be sent to OMB.[Footnote 2] Among other things, an OMB review is 
conducted to ensure that the rule is consistent with federal laws and 
the President's priorities, including executive orders.

EPA guidance identifies environmental justice as one of many factors to 
be considered early in the rulemaking process. In 1994, the EPA 
Administrator established guidance for rulemaking and identified 11 
characteristics for "quality actions" in rulemaking. Among these 
characteristics were (1) consistency with legal requirements and 
national policies, which would include Executive Order 12898, and (2) 
adherence to the Administrator's seven priorities, which included 
environmental justice. According to the guidance, managers must 
consider all 11 areas early on and be explicit about any trade-offs 
made among them.

For high-priority rules, the workgroup chair is responsible for, among 
other things, ensuring that work gets done and the process is 
documented. Other workgroup members are assigned from the lead program 
office and, in the case of the two highest priority rules, from other 
offices. The workgroup may conduct such activities as (1) collaborating 
to prepare a plan for developing the rule, (2) seeking early input from 
senior management, (3) consulting with stakeholders, (4) collecting 
data and analyzing issues, (5) considering various options, and (6) 
recommending usually one option to managers. In addition, an economist 
(who typically participates in the workgroup) prepares an economic 
review of the proposed rule's costs to society. According to EPA, the 
"ultimate purpose" of an economic review is to inform decision makers 
of the social welfare consequences of the rule. Finally, after the 
approval of all relevant offices within EPA, the proposed rule is 
published in the Federal Register, the public is invited to comment on 
it, and EPA considers the comments. Comments may address any aspect of 
the proposed rule, including whether environmental justice issues are 
raised and appropriately addressed in the proposed rule. Sometimes, 
prior to the publication of the proposed rule, EPA publishes an 
Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking in the Federal Register. The 
notice provides an opportunity for interested stakeholders to provide 
input to EPA early in the process, and the agency takes such comments 
into account to an appropriate extent, according to EPA.

In finalizing a rule, EPA is required to provide a response to all 
significant public comments, including those on environmental justice, 
and to prepare a final economic review. After these tasks are 
completed, the rule, if it is significant, is sent to OMB for approval. 
Once OMB approves the final rule and the Administrator signs it, it is 
published in the Federal Register. After a specified time period, the 
rule goes into effect.

Within EPA, the Air Office is primarily responsible for implementing 
the Clean Air Act, as amended. Within that office, the Office of Air 
Quality Planning and Standards is primarily responsible for developing 
the majority of new rules for stationary sources resulting from the 
act. Also within the Air Office, the Office of Transportation and Air 
Quality has primary responsibility for developing rules and other 
programs to control mobile source emissions. The Office of 
Environmental Justice, located within EPA's Office of Enforcement and 
Compliance Assurance, provides a central point for the agency to 
address environmental and human health concerns in minority communities 
and/or low-income communities--a segment of the population that has 
been disproportionately exposed to environmental harms and risks, 
according to the office's Web site. The office works with EPA's program 
and regional offices to ensure that the agency considers environmental 
justice.

EPA Generally Devoted Little Attention to Environmental Justice in 
Drafting Three Rules:

Although EPA guidance calls for environmental justice to be considered 
early in the rulemaking process, we found that EPA generally devoted 
little attention to environmental justice during the drafting of the 
three rules as proposed. First, environmental justice was not mentioned 
in an initial form used to flag potential issues for senior management. 
Second, it is unclear how much the workgroups discussed environmental 
justice because EPA officials had differing recollections on the 
matter. Even when the workgroups did discuss environmental justice, 
their ability to identify potential problems may have been limited by a 
lack of training and guidance, among other factors. Third, the economic 
reviews of two of the three proposed rules did not discuss 
environmental justice. Finally, when the proposed rules were published 
in the Federal Register and made available for public comment, all 
three mentioned environmental justice, but the discussion was 
contradictory in one case.

Initial Form Prepared for Senior Management Did Not Address 
Environmental Justice:

Although EPA guidance suggested that environmental justice was one of 
the factors that should be considered early in rulemaking, it did not 
include information on environmental justice in a key form prepared for 
management at the beginning of the process. After being designated, the 
workgroup chair is to complete a "tiering form" to help establish the 
level of senior management involvement needed in drafting the rule. For 
example, the highest priority rules would involve the Administrator and 
more than one office in the agency. The forms for the gasoline, diesel, 
and ozone implementation rules stated that these rules were of the 
highest priority. In addition, the form asks a series of questions, the 
answers to which are to be used to alert senior managers to potential 
issues related to compliance with statutes, executive orders, and other 
matters. This form specifically asks about, among other things, the 
rules' potential to pose disproportionate environmental health risks to 
children and to have potential Endangered Species Act implications. 
However, the form does not include a question regarding the rules' 
potential to create environmental justice concerns. Moreover, on the 
forms that were completed for the three rules we reviewed, we found no 
mention of environmental justice.

Lack of Guidance and Training May Have Limited Workgroups' Ability to 
Identify Potential Environmental Justice Concerns:

EPA officials had differing recollections about the extent to which the 
three workgroups considered environmental justice. The chairs of the 
workgroups for the two mobile source rules told us that they did not 
recall any specific time when they considered environmental justice 
during the rules' drafting, but other EPA officials said environmental 
justice was considered. The chair of the ozone workgroup told us that 
his group did consider environmental justice, but that he could not 
provide any specifics about this.

Because 3 to 7 years have passed since these workgroups were formed and 
the workgroup members may not have remembered discussions of 
environmental justice during the rules' drafting, we asked them to 
provide us with any documentation that may have indicated that 
environmental justice was considered. Members of the two mobile source 
workgroups told us that they did not have any such documents. The chair 
of the ozone workgroup provided us with a copy of a document, prepared 
by the workgroup, which identified issues needing analysis.[Footnote 3] 
The document stated that information would be developed for an economic 
review related to the proposed rule, and that such information would be 
used in part to support compliance with executive orders, including one 
related to low-income and minority populations.

Even when the workgroups stated that they had considered environmental 
justice, we identified three factors that may have limited their 
ability to identify potential environmental justice concerns. First, 
all three workgroup chairs told us that they received no guidance in 
how to analyze environmental justice concerns in rulemaking. Second, 
workgroup members had received little, if any, training on 
environmental justice. Specifically, all three workgroup chairs told us 
they received no training in environmental justice. Two chairs did not 
know whether other members of the workgroups had received any training, 
and a third chair said at least one member had. Some EPA officials 
involved in developing these three rules told us that it would have 
been useful to have a better understanding of the definition of 
environmental justice and how to consider environmental justice issues 
in rulemaking. Finally, the Air Office's environmental justice 
coordinators, whose full-time responsibility is promoting environmental 
justice, were not involved in drafting any of the three rules. Neither 
of the two coordinators we spoke with (the overall coordinator for the 
Air Office and the coordinator for the unit within the Air Office that 
prepared the rules) could recall being involved in drafting any of the 
three rules. Further, the Air Office's environmental justice 
coordinators said they rarely served as part of a workgroup for air 
rulemaking or received questions from a workgroup during the 
development of any rule under the Clean Air Act.

Economic Reviews Did Not Always Provide Decision Makers with an 
Environmental Justice Analysis:

EPA is required under the Clean Air Act, other statutes, and executive 
orders to prepare an economic review for proposed rules, and the type 
of economic review to be prepared depends on the rule's impact on the 
economy. Specifically, rules that are expected to have an effect of 
$100 million or more a year--like the two mobile source rules--require 
a more detailed "economic analysis." Other rules--like the ozone 
implementation rule--still must conduct a less detailed "economic 
impact assessment." According to EPA, the "ultimate purpose" of these 
reviews is to inform decision makers of the social consequences of the 
rules. According to EPA guidance, both types of review are to discuss 
the rule's cost and the distribution of those costs across society. 
According to EPA officials, both types of review consider environmental 
justice. The more detailed reviews, or economic analyses, also are to 
discuss the rule's benefits and equity effects, which include 
environmental justice.

For all three rules, an economic review of their economic costs and 
certain other features was prepared for decision makers before the 
proposed rules were published. However, the economic analyses of the 
two mobile source rules did not include an analysis of environmental 
justice. The supervisor of the economists who prepared the analyses 
said that environmental justice was not discussed in the analyses due 
to an oversight. However, he also said (and a senior policy advisor in 
the Air Office concurred) that EPA has not agreed upon the complete 
list of data that would be needed to perform an environmental justice 
analysis. Further, he said that EPA does not have a model with the 
ability to distinguish localized adverse impacts for a specific 
community or population.

Although the economic impact assessment of the ozone implementation 
rule did discuss environmental justice, it inconsistently portrayed 
some information relevant to the rule's potential environmental justice 
impacts. Specifically, the assessment stated that EPA determined the 
rule would not create environmental justice issues, based on its 
analysis of the 1997 rule that established the 8-hour ozone national 
ambient air quality standard. However, the earlier rule referred to its 
economic review, which stated it was not possible to rigorously 
consider the potential environmental justice effects of the rule 
because the states were responsible for its implementation. The 
inability of EPA to rigorously consider environmental justice in the 
1997 rule does not seem to support EPA's statement that there were no 
environmental justice issues raised by the ozone implementation rule. 
Also, the economic impact assessment did not address the potential 
environmental justice effects of a certain provision, which EPA stated 
2 months later, in the proposed rule, might raise environmental justice 
issues. The provision would attempt to reduce vehicle use generally 
throughout a large metropolitan area by encouraging mixed-use growth-- 
a combination of industrial, retail, and residential development--in 
portions of that metropolitan area, so transportation would be 
concentrated there. According to EPA, concentrating vehicle emissions 
and stationary emissions might create environmental justice concerns 
for low-income residents.

All Three Proposed Rules Mentioned Environmental Justice, but the 
Discussion Appeared Contradictory in One Case:

According to EPA's director of regulatory management, the agency did 
not have any guidance on whether environmental justice should be 
included in the preamble of a rule at the time the gasoline and diesel 
rules were developed. By the time the ozone implementation rule was 
proposed, EPA had developed guidance, which is still in place today. 
While this guidance indicates that environmental justice and seven 
other executive orders should be considered when a new rule is 
developed, it does not state that officials must include a discussion 
of environmental justice in the proposed rule. Specifically, the 
guidance provides that five orders should be discussed in all rules, 
and that three other orders--including the order relating to 
environmental justice--may be discussed if necessary and appropriate. 
(Table 2 contains a list of these executive orders.) EPA officials told 
us that a discussion of environmental justice was made optional under 
the guidance because it is infrequently identified by EPA as an issue.

Table 2: EPA Guidance for Discussion of Executive Orders in Proposed 
Rules:

Guidance: Executive orders that should be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 12866;
Executive order: Title: Regulatory Planning and Review.

Guidance: Executive orders that should be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 13045;
Executive order: Title: Protection of Children from Environmental 
Health and Safety Risks.

Guidance: Executive orders that should be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 13175;
Executive order: Title: Consultation and Coordination with Indian 
Tribal Governments.

Guidance: Executive orders that should be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 13211;
Executive order: Title: Actions That Affect Energy Supply, 
Distribution, or Use.

Guidance: Executive orders that should be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 13132;
Executive order: Title: Federalism.

Guidance: Executive orders that may be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 12630;
Executive order: Title: Governmental Actions and Interference with 
Constitutionally Protected Property Rights (Takings).

Guidance: Executive orders that may be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 12898;
Executive order: Title: Environmental Justice.

Guidance: Executive orders that may be discussed;
Executive order: Number: E.O. 12988;
Executive order: Title: Civil Justice Reform.

Source: EPA.

[End of table]

The publication of a proposed rule gives EPA an opportunity to explain 
how it considered environmental justice in the rule's development. 
Although all three rules mentioned environmental justice when they were 
published in the Federal Register, they differed in the extent to which 
they discussed this issue and, in one case, the discussion appeared 
contradictory. In the proposed gasoline rule, EPA stated that 
environmental justice is an important economic dimension to consider, 
but it did not describe whether it was considered or whether the 
proposed rule raised any environmental justice issues. In the proposed 
diesel rule, in a section on environmental justice, EPA stated that the 
rule would improve air quality across the country and could be expected 
to mitigate environmental justice concerns about concentrations of 
diesel emissions. More particularly, EPA stated that health benefits 
could be expected for populations near bus terminals and commercial 
distribution centers, where diesel truck traffic would be concentrated, 
because pollutants in diesel emissions would be reduced. The treatment 
of environmental justice in the proposed ozone implementation rule was 
unclear because two sections of the rule appeared to contradict each 
other. In one section, EPA stated that it did not believe the rule 
would raise any environmental justice issues, but in another section, 
it specifically invited comments on an option to concentrate 
commercial, industrial, and residential growth, which it said "may 
raise environmental justice concerns."[Footnote 4]

EPA Considered Environmental Justice to Varying Degrees in Finalizing 
Three Rules:

In all three cases, EPA received and generally responded to public 
comments on environmental justice, although in one case it did not 
explain the basis for its response. In addition, in all three cases, it 
completed a final economic review, but these reviews generally did not 
provide decision makers with an environmental justice analysis. EPA 
published all three final rules, and EPA officials told us that they 
believed that these rules did not create an environmental justice issue.

EPA Generally Responded to Public Comments Pertaining to Environmental 
Justice:

In Clean Air Act rulemaking, EPA is required to allow the submission of 
public comments, and the final rule must be accompanied by a response 
to each significant comment. These comments are generally submitted 
during the official public comment period after a rule is proposed, but 
they may be submitted while EPA is drafting a proposed rule. The act 
also requires EPA to place written comments in a public 
docket.[Footnote 5] In addition, according to EPA's public involvement 
policy, agency officials should explain, in their response to comments, 
how they considered the comments, including any change in the rule or 
the reason the agency did not make any changes.[Footnote 6]

The Gasoline Rule:

Commenters from the petroleum industry, environmental groups, and 
elsewhere stated that the proposed gasoline rule raised environmental 
justice concerns. For example, one commenter representing environmental 
justice groups stated that the proposed rule was "completely devoid of 
environmental justice analysis," and that the national benefits of the 
rule were derived from transferring broadly distributed emissions into 
areas around refineries. Also, a representative of a petroleum company 
stated that EPA needed to address environmental justice issues. EPA 
responded by taking two actions. It (1) analyzed the rule's potential 
impact on communities around refineries and (2) sought stakeholders' 
views on environmental justice and other issues relating to refinery 
emissions.

First, EPA estimated how two types of refinery and vehicle emissions 
would change, as a result of the rule, in 86 U.S. counties[Footnote 7] 
that contained a refinery. The two types of emissions--nitrogen oxides 
and volatile organic compounds--contribute to the formation of ground- 
level ozone, which is regulated under the Clean Air Act because it is 
harmful to human health. EPA estimated that the increase in refinery 
emissions could be greater than the decrease in vehicle emissions, 
resulting in a net increase in emissions of one or both substances, in 
26 counties (about 30 percent of the total), as shown in table 3. 
Specifically, it estimated that emissions of both substances could 
increase in 10 counties, with a population of about 13 million people, 
and that emissions of only one substance would increase in another 16 
counties. On the other hand, EPA estimated that emissions of both 
substances could decrease in 60 counties. For example, EPA estimated 
that in Plaquemines Parish, Louisiana, net emissions of nitrogen oxides 
could increase 298 tons as a result of the rule, reflecting an increase 
in refinery emissions of 356 tons and a decrease in vehicle emissions 
of 58 tons. Conversely, it estimated that in Calcasieu Parish, 
emissions of volatile organic compounds could decrease by 61 tons, 
reflecting an increase in refinery emissions of 84 tons and a decrease 
in vehicle emissions of 145 tons.

Table 3: Estimated Potential Changes in Selected Emissions in 2007 
Resulting from the Gasoline Rule in Counties with Refineries:

Estimated potential changes: Increased emissions of one or both 
emissions: Estimated potential changes: Increased emissions of both 
emissions;
Number of counties: 10.

Estimated potential changes: Increased emissions of one or both 
emissions: Estimated potential changes: Increased emissions of only one 
emission;
Number of counties: 16.

Estimated potential changes: Subtotal;
Number of counties: 26.

Estimated potential changes: Decreased emissions of both emissions;
Number of counties: 60.

Estimated potential changes: Total;
Number of counties: 86.

Source: GAO analysis of EPA data.

[End of table]

The results of EPA's analysis appear to support those commenters who 
asserted that the rule might create environmental justice issues in 
some localities. They also appear to conflict with EPA's statements, in 
its summary of and response to comments document, that "it would be 
unacceptable to trade the health of refining communities in exchange 
for generalized air pollution benefits. However we do not believe the 
Tier 2/gasoline sulfur control rule will cause such an exchange." EPA 
also stated that, for the "vast majority" of areas near refineries, the 
benefits of reduced emissions from vehicles would "far outweigh" any 
increase in refinery emissions.[Footnote 8]

When asked whether this analysis appeared to confirm concerns about the 
rule's potential environmental justice impacts, EPA officials told us 
that the analysis was limited and overstated the net increase in 
refinery emissions in two ways. First, according to EPA officials, the 
analysis did not consider the actions that refiners would likely take 
to offset increases in emissions because of the new rule; EPA assumed 
that they would seek to reduce emissions in other ways to avoid 
additional regulation at the state level. EPA said it believed these 
actions would limit the expected increases in refining emissions. 
Second, EPA analyzed the effect of the rule only for 2007. EPA 
officials said they believed that the benefits of the rule would 
increase after that year, as new (and cleaner) vehicles increasingly 
replaced older (and less clean) vehicles.

We note two other ways in which the analysis was limited in estimating 
the potential effects on communities near refineries. First, EPA did 
not ask refiners about the rule's impact on their output of these two 
emissions, nor did EPA perform an analysis to determine how the rule 
would impact individual refiners' emissions of these two substances. 
Instead, EPA assumed that emissions would increase by the same 
proportion at each refinery--nitrogen oxides, by 4.5 percent, and 
volatile organic compounds, by 3.32 percent--although individual 
refineries increases could be lesser or greater than these percentages. 
Secondly, EPA did not estimate the rules' impact on other pollutants, 
such as particulate matter and sulfur dioxide, which might also 
increase as a result of the increase in refining activity needed to 
comply with the rule.

EPA did not make the results of its analysis available to the public, 
either in the economic review of the final rule or elsewhere in the 
docket, because EPA officials told us they considered the results of 
the analysis too uncertain to release to the public. However, EPA 
officials told us that the analysis--along with their assumption that 
refineries were likely to emit less emissions than the analysis 
indicated--supported their belief that the rule would be unlikely to 
cause environmental justice impacts. In addition, these officials said 
they believed that, if the rule did create environmental justice 
issues, they could be best addressed by the state or local governments. 
This is because any refiners needing to increase their emissions to 
comply with the gasoline rule would have to submit specific plans to 
such governments during the permitting process.

Second, EPA believed that environmental justice issues would be best 
addressed during the permitting process, and EPA hired a contractor to 
solicit stakeholders' potential concerns about this issue. In September 
1999, the contractor interviewed individuals from EPA, environmental 
organizations, the oil refining industry, and state agencies 
responsible for regulating refinery emissions to ascertain their views. 
In December 1999, the contractor again sought stakeholders' views, 
focusing largely on local environmental groups, because few of them 
were interviewed in September. In December, local environmental groups 
stated that they did not trust the state environmental agencies, and 
that they perceived that EPA had "talked exclusively with industry 
representatives prior to developing the proposed rule, but not to the 
local environmental organizations." In addition, these groups said that 
they did not want "any added emissions to their air, even if there will 
be a net benefit to the nation's environment."

In response to the stakeholders' concerns, the contractor recommended 
that EPA develop permitting teams, provide information about the rule, 
and enhance community involvement. The contractor said that these 
recommendations would improve the permitting process for all 
stakeholders by addressing issues specific to each permit, potentially 
including environmental justice. EPA said that it would implement the 
contractor's recommendations for improving the permitting process to 
deal with environmental justice issues.

EPA stated that it believed that environmental justice issues could be 
dealt with during the permitting process at the state or local level, 
and officials told us that EPA has limited direct authority over 
permitting because most permitting occurs at the state level. Several 
groups commented that the states, not EPA, "act as the permitting 
authorities" over refineries. EPA said it agreed that states generally 
have primary authority over permitting. Further, Executive Order 12898 
does not apply to state or local permitting authorities, and absent 
specific state or local law, state and local governments have no 
obligation to consider environmental justice when issuing permits.

The Diesel Rule:

In response to an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, several 
commenters expressed concern that the diesel rule would lead to 
increased refinery emissions of regulated pollutants. They specifically 
stated that EPA should address the potential for increased emissions in 
its economic analysis of the rule. EPA did not respond to these 
comments[Footnote 9] and did not factor the potential increase in 
regulated pollutants into its final economic analysis. In commenting on 
the proposed rule, several petroleum companies stated that changes they 
would need to make to comply with the rule might increase emissions 
and, therefore, lead citizens to raise environmental justice issues. 
EPA responded that it did not believe that complaints would delay the 
refineries' permitting applications. However, EPA did not analyze the 
rule for environmental justice impacts, such as increases in air 
emissions in communities surrounding refineries. EPA officials told us 
that they did not perform such an analysis because they believed that 
they had sufficiently analyzed these issues in the context of the 
gasoline rule.

The Ozone Implementation Rule:

In the proposed rule on implementing the ozone standard, EPA asked for 
public comments on potential environmental justice issues stemming from 
a specific provision that would have encouraged concentrated growth in 
urban areas to reduce the number of commuter vehicles contributing to 
ozone emissions. Seven public commenters stated that the provision 
could have potential environmental justice impacts. However, these 
comments on environmental justice did not relate to the provisions of 
the ozone implementation rule that have, thus far, been finalized, and 
therefore it was not necessary for EPA to respond to these comments. 
According to an EPA official, EPA is still considering the provision, 
and the public comments on it, for a second phase of the rule 
implementing a new ground-level ozone standard that EPA intends to 
finalize this year.

Final Economic Reviews Generally Did Not Provide Decision Makers with 
an Environmental Justice Analysis:

After taking into consideration public comments, the agency prepares a 
final economic review. EPA guidance indicates that this final economic 
review, like the proposed economic review, should identify the 
distribution of the rule's social costs across society. After 
considering public comments, EPA did prepare a final economic review 
for all three rules, but, for two of the three rules, environmental 
justice was not discussed.

Even after the public expressed concerns about environmental justice, 
the final economic analysis of the gasoline rule, like the analysis of 
the proposed rule, did not discuss environmental justice. According to 
the supervisory economist, not discussing environmental justice in the 
final analysis was an oversight.

Similarly, the final economic analysis of the diesel rule, like the 
analysis of the proposed rule, did not discuss environmental justice. 
Again, according to the supervisory economist, not discussing 
environmental justice in the final analysis was an oversight. As a 
result, EPA did not incorporate the public's suggestions that EPA 
include the cost of increased refinery emissions in its economic 
analysis.

For the ozone implementation rule, EPA did not prepare a new economic 
impact assessment for its final version. Instead, it issued an addendum 
to the proposed assessment and stated that it considered the addendum 
and the proposed assessment to constitute a final economic impact 
assessment. In addition, because EPA decided to finalize the ozone 
implementation rule in two phases, the addendum addressed only the part 
of the rule that was finalized, not the entire proposed rule. Thus, the 
assessment of the final rule did not change the conclusion of the 
assessment of the proposed rule, namely that the ozone implementation 
rule did not create any environmental justice issues.

EPA Officials Believed That the Three Final Rules Did Not Create 
Environmental Justice Issues:

The publication of a final rule gives EPA another opportunity to 
explain how it considered environmental justice in the rule's 
development. For all three rules, EPA discussed environmental 
justice.[Footnote 10] The preamble to one rule stated explicitly that 
it would not create an environmental justice issue.[Footnote 11] The 
other two rules did not explicitly state whether they would create an 
environmental justice issue, although the preambles to both rules 
discussed the mitigation of potential environmental justice effects. 
EPA officials told us that they believed that these rules did not 
create an environmental justice issue.

In the preamble to the final ozone implementation rule, as in the 
proposed rule, EPA stated that the rule did not raise any environmental 
justice issues. The agency supported its statement by explaining that 
the rule was implementing a standard, developed in 1997, that had 
already taken environmental justice into account.

In the preamble to the final gasoline rule in 2000, EPA stated that 
areas around the refineries would receive an environmental benefit from 
the rule, and that emissions at some refineries might increase even 
after installing equipment to comply with emissions controls in the 
Clean Air Act. It concluded that the increases in refinery emissions 
would be very small in proportion to the decreases in vehicle emissions 
in the areas around refineries. Moreover, EPA discussed its previous 
actions to consider environmental justice concerns, as previously 
discussed, and stated that it was committed to resolve environmental 
justice issues if they arose, through additional outreach efforts to 
local communities and similar means. Although the final rule did not 
state explicitly whether it would or would not ultimately create an 
environmental justice issue, EPA officials told us in late 2004 that, 
in their opinion, the rule did not create such an issue.

Lastly, in the preamble to the final diesel rule in 2001, EPA stated 
that the rule could mitigate some of the environmental justice concerns 
pertaining to the heavy-duty diesel engines that often power city 
buses. The final rule does not discuss any potential environmental 
justice issues pertaining to impacts from increased refinery emissions 
on nearby communities, even though EPA officials told us that they 
recognized increased refinery emissions could have such impacts. 
Nevertheless, EPA officials told us in late 2004 that they believed the 
rule did not create environmental justice issues.

Conclusions:

We found some evidence that EPA officials considered environmental 
justice when drafting or finalizing the three clean air rules we 
examined. During the drafting of the three rules, even when the 
workgroups discussed environmental justice, their capability to 
identify potential concerns may have been limited by a lack of 
guidance, training, and involvement of EPA's environmental justice 
coordinators. It is important that EPA thoroughly consider 
environmental justice because the states and other entities, which 
generally have the primary permitting authority, are not subject to 
Executive Order 12898.

EPA's capability to identify environmental justice concerns through 
economic reviews also appears to be limited. More than 10 years have 
elapsed since the executive order directed federal agencies, to the 
extent practicable and permitted by law, to identify and address the 
disproportionately high and adverse human health or environmental 
effects of their programs, policies, and activities. However, EPA 
apparently does not have sufficient data and modeling techniques to be 
able to distinguish localized adverse impacts for a specific community. 
For example, EPA has not agreed upon the complete list of data that 
would be needed to perform an environmental justice analysis. This 
suggests that, although EPA has developed general guidance for 
considering environmental justice, it has not established specific 
modeling techniques for assessing the potential environmental justice 
implications of any clean air rules. In addition, by not including a 
discussion of environmental justice in all of the economic reviews, EPA 
decision makers may not have been fully informed about the 
environmental justice impacts of all the rules.

Finally, even though members of the public commented about two rules' 
potential to increase refinery emissions--potential environmental 
justice issues, (1) in one case, EPA did not provide a response and (2) 
in the other case, it did not explain the basis for its response, such 
as the rationale for its beliefs and the data on which it based its 
beliefs. While these may not have been significant comments requiring a 
response, EPA's public involvement policy calls for EPA to provide 
responses when feasible, and this policy does not appear to distinguish 
comments on Advanced Notices of Proposed Rulemaking from comments on 
proposed rules.

Recommendations for Executive Action:

In order to ensure that environmental justice issues are adequately 
identified and considered when clean air rules are being drafted and 
finalized, we recommend that the EPA Administrator take the following 
four actions:

* ensure that the workgroups devote attention to environmental justice 
while drafting and finalizing clean air rules;

* enhance the workgroups' ability to identify potential environmental 
justice issues through such steps as (1) providing workgroup members 
with guidance and training to help them identify potential 
environmental justice problems and (2) involving environmental justice 
coordinators in the workgroups when appropriate;

* improve assessments of potential environmental justice impacts in 
economic reviews by identifying the data and developing the modeling 
techniques that are needed to assess such impacts; and:

* direct cognizant officials to respond fully, when feasible, to public 
comments on environmental justice, for example, by better explaining 
the rationale for EPA's beliefs and by providing its supporting data.

Agency Comments and Our Evaluation:

EPA's Assistant Administrator for Air and Radiation provided comments 
on a draft of this report in a letter dated June 10, 2005 (see app. 
IV). In addition, he provided technical comments that we incorporated 
where appropriate.

First, EPA expressed the view that its rules have resulted in better 
air quality nationally. EPA said it was "disappointed" that we did not 
accurately reflect its progress in achieving environmental justice with 
respect to air pollution. It noted that the three rules are part of a 
larger program that is making significant progress in providing cleaner 
air nationwide. Second, EPA stated that in examining the agency's 
process for considering environmental justice, we asked the wrong 
question, and that we should have focused on the outcome of the 
rulemaking process--the rules themselves. Finally, it stated that our 
evidence of how it considered environmental justice during the 
development of the three final rules did not support our conclusions 
and recommendations, and it provided detailed information about the 
efforts it took relating to environmental justice for the three final 
rules.

We question the relevance of the information provided on air quality 
nationally and disagree with EPA's other two points. First, in addition 
to the data we had already presented on the decrease in emissions of 
certain air pollutants, EPA provided data on overall improvements in 
air quality, specifically the decrease in the number of areas 
throughout the nation that did not meet certain ambient air quality 
standards. However, because these data provide no detail on the 
conditions facing specific groups--for example, residents of areas near 
refineries, who might be negatively affected by the two mobile source 
rules--these data are not necessarily germane to environmental justice. 
Although Executive Order 12898 calls on agencies to identify and 
address the disproportionately high and adverse effects of its 
programs, policies, and activities on specific groups, EPA provided no 
information about such groups. Also, we believe that EPA's statement 
about the effect of clean air rules on national air quality at some 
level misses the point. Second, EPA suggested that it would have been 
more appropriate for us to look at the outcomes of its efforts than at 
the process that produced the outcomes. We agree with EPA that outcomes 
are important, but it is not yet clear whether the rules we examined 
will address environmental justice issues effectively because the rules 
are being implemented over the next several years. It is also important 
to examine the process that led to the rules--as we did. The various 
process steps are intended to help ensure that EPA's activities during 
the many phases of drafting and finalizing all rules are efficiently 
and effectively focused on achieving the desired outcomes.

Third, although EPA stated that our evidence did not support our 
conclusions and recommendations, it did not challenge the accuracy of 
the information we provided on how it considered environmental justice 
during the many phases of developing the three final rules discussed in 
the body of our report and the three proposed rules discussed in 
appendix II. While it provided detailed information on certain 
activities and the rationale for undertaking them, our report already 
discussed nearly all of these activities. For example, EPA noted at 
length its efforts, after drafting the gasoline rule, to hold 
discussions with environmental justice and other groups on issues 
relating to permits that refiners would need if they increased their 
emissions to comply with the rule. We already acknowledged these 
efforts in our report. However, EPA's efforts at this stage do not 
mitigate the fact that it devoted little attention to environmental 
justice up to that point, nor the fact that discussions with affected 
groups, while beneficial, do not offset the effects of possible 
increases in refinery emissions on these groups. EPA is essentially 
relying on state and local governments to deal with environmental 
justice concerns as they implement the gasoline and diesel rules at the 
refinery level, even though the executive order does not apply to state 
or local governments, and, absent specific state or local law, they 
have no obligation to consider environmental justice when issuing 
permits. In addition, the three final rules were selected in part 
because they mentioned environmental justice and should have showcased 
EPA's efforts to consider environmental justice. Thus, we continue to 
believe that the evidence we provided supports our conclusions and 
recommendations.

Finally, aside from its general statement that the evidence we 
presented does not support our conclusions and recommendations, EPA 
generally did not respond to our four recommendations. We continue to 
believe that all of them are still warranted. With respect to our 
recommendation that workgroups devote attention to environmental 
justice while developing clean air rules, EPA stated that it "devoted 
appropriate attention to environmental justice issues" in the three 
final rules. EPA's guidance suggests that environmental justice be 
considered both at the beginning of process (when the rules are 
drafted) and at the end of the process (when they are finalized). 
However, nearly all of the attention EPA described came at the end of 
the process--after receiving public comments.

EPA responded in part to our recommendation on the need to provide 
guidance and training to workgroup members and the need to involve 
environmental justice coordinators. EPA did not provide any information 
that would refute the finding on the lack of guidance and training, for 
example, by bringing to our attention any guidance or training that it 
provides to workgroup members. However, EPA noted that an environmental 
justice coordinator "was heavily involved" in one of the three final 
rules and became an "ad hoc member" of the workgroup for the gasoline 
rule "around the time the rule was proposed." From EPA's comment, it is 
clear that the coordinator became involved only at the end of the 
process of drafting this rule (i.e., "around the time the rule was 
proposed"). Further, EPA did not mention whether a coordinator was 
involved at all in the other two final rules, nor in the three proposed 
rules.

EPA did not comment specifically on our recommendation on the need to 
improve assessments of potential environmental justice impacts in 
economic reviews or provide any information that would refute the 
finding that led to it. EPA responded in part to our recommendation on 
the need to respond fully, when feasible, to public comments on 
environmental justice. Specifically, it noted that it did not respond 
to comments on the Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking on the diesel 
rule, and that it is has no legal or policy obligation to respond to 
comments on an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking. Although we 
understood that EPA's public involvement policy calls for the agency to 
include a response to all comments when feasible, we revised our report 
to reflect EPA's comment that it had no obligation in such instances.

As arranged with your office, we plan no further distribution of this 
report until 15 days after the date of this letter, unless you publicly 
announce its contents earlier. At that time, we will send copies of 
this report to interested congressional committees and the EPA 
Administrator. We will make copies available to others upon request. 
This report will also be available at no cost on GAO's Web site at 
[Hyperlink, http://www.gao.gov].

If you or your staff have any questions about this report, please 
contact me at (202) 512-3841 or [Hyperlink, stephensonj@gao.gov]. 
Contact points for our Offices of Congressional Relations and Public 
Affairs may be found on the last page of this report. GAO staff that 
made major contributions to this report are listed in appendix V.

Sincerely yours,

Signed by:
John B. Stephenson:
Director, Natural Resources and Environment:

[End of section]

Appendixes:

Appendix I:
Information about the Three Final Clean Air Rules That We Examined:

Short title used in this report: Full title;
Gasoline rule: Control of Air Pollution from New Motor Vehicles: Tier 2 
Motor Vehicle Emissions Standards and Gasoline Sulfur Control 
Requirements;
Diesel rule: Control of Air Pollution from New Motor Vehicles: Heavy-
Duty Engine and Vehicle Standards and Highway Diesel Fuel Sulfur 
Control Requirements;
Ozone implementation rule: Final Rule to Implement the 8-Hour Ozone 
National Ambient Air Quality Standard--Phase 1.

Short title used in this report: EPA summary of the rule;
Gasoline rule: This rule is designed to significantly reduce the 
emissions from new passenger cars and light trucks, including pickup 
trucks, vans, minivans, and sport-utility vehicles, to provide for 
cleaner air and greater public health protection. 

This rule treats vehicles and fuels as a system, combining requirements 
for cleaner vehicles with requirements for lower levels of sulfur in 
gasoline;
Diesel rule: This rule reduces particulate matter and nitrogen oxides 
emissions from heavy-duty engines by 90 percent and 95 percent below 
current standard levels, respectively, to decrease health impacts 
caused by diesel emissions. 

Under this rule, a heavy-duty vehicle and its fuel are regulated as a 
single system, combining requirements for new heavy-duty engines to 
meet more stringent emission standards and reductions in the level of 
sulfur allowable in highway diesel fuel;
Ozone implementation rule: To provide certainty to states and tribes 
regarding classifications for the 8-hour national ambient air quality 
standards (NAAQS) and their continued obligations with respect to 
existing requirements. 

This rule addresses the following topics: classifications for the 8-
hour NAAQS; revocation of the 1-hour NAAQS; how antibacksliding 
principles will ensure continued progress toward attainment of the 8 
hour ozone NAAQS; attainment dates; and the timing of emissions 
reductions needed for attainment.

Short title used in this report: Final rule in the Federal Register;
Gasoline rule: 65 Fed. Reg. 6698, 02/10/2000;
Diesel rule: 66 Fed. Reg. 5002, 01/18/2001;
Ozone implementation rule: 69 Fed. Reg. 23951, 04/30/2004.

Short title used in this report: Response to comment date;
Gasoline rule: 12/20/1999;
Diesel rule: 12/21/2000;
Ozone implementation rule: 04/15/2004.

Short title used in this report: Final economic review date;
Gasoline rule: 12/1999;
Diesel rule: 12/2000;
Ozone implementation rule: 04/ 2004.

Short title used in this report: Proposed rule in the Federal Register;
Gasoline rule: 64 Fed. Reg. 26004, 05/13/1999;
Diesel rule: 65 Fed. Reg. 35430, 06/02/2000;
Ozone implementation rule: 68 Fed. Reg. 32802, 06/02/2003.

Short title used in this report: Date of economic review for proposed 
rule;
Gasoline rule: 04/1999;
Diesel rule: 05/2000;
Ozone implementation rule: 04/2003.

Short title used in this report: Workgroup initiated date;
Gasoline rule: 08/19/1998;
Diesel rule: 09/01/1999;
Ozone implementation rule: 08/21/2001.

Source: The Federal Register and EPA.

[End of table]

[End of section]

Appendix II: EPA's Consideration of Environmental Justice in the 
Drafting of Three Proposed Clean Air Rules:

Because of substantial congressional interest, we are including 
information about how the Environmental Protection Agency (EPA) 
considered environmental justice during the drafting of three 
additional proposed clean air rules, up through their publication in 
the Federal Register. The three proposed rules we reviewed were as 
follows:

* The December 2002 New Source Review proposed rule, which proposed a 
change in the category of activities that would be considered routine 
maintenance, repair, and replacement under the New Source Review 
Program.[Footnote 12]

* The January 2004 mercury proposed rule, which proposed two methods 
for regulating mercury emissions from certain power plants.[Footnote 13]

* The January 2004 proposed Clean Air Interstate Rule (interstate 
rule), which, among other things, proposed a requirement that 29 states 
and the District of Columbia revise their state plans to include 
control measures limiting emissions of sulfur dioxide and nitrogen 
oxides.[Footnote 14]

When we completed our initial fieldwork, these rules had not been 
finalized. Since then, the mercury and interstate rules have been 
finalized and a portion of the New Source Review rule has been 
finalized. Additional detail on these rules is provided in table 4.

Table 4: Information about Three Proposed Clean Air Rules:

Short title: Full title;
Mercury rule[A]: Proposed National Emission Standards for Hazardous Air 
Pollutants; and, in the Alternative, Proposed Standards of Performance 
for New and Existing Stationary Sources: Electric Utility Steam 
Generating Units;
New Source Review routine maintenance: Prevention of Significant 
Deterioration (PSD) and Non-attainment New Source Review (NSR): Routine 
Maintenance, Repair and Replacement;
Clean Air Interstate Rule: (interstate rule): Rule to Reduce Interstate 
Transport of Fine Particulate Matter and Ozone (Interstate Air Quality 
Rule).

Short title: EPA summary of the rule;
Mercury rule[A]: This rule would set national emission standards or 
standards of performance for mercury emissions from new and existing 
coal-fired power plants. 

One approach would require coal-fired power plants to meet emission 
standards reflecting the application of currently available pollution 
controls known as "maximum achievable control technologies" (MACT). The 
second approach would set a cap on the total mercury emissions allowed 
from coal-burning power plants nationwide and would allow emissions 
trading; New Source Review routine maintenance: The rule would provide 
a future category of activities that would be considered "routine 
maintenance, repair and replacement" for the New Source Review Program, 
as well as an annual allowance for such activities. 

Two categories would be considered routine maintenance, repair, and 
replacement: (1) certain activities as long as the facility's annual 
maintenance, repair, and replacement allowance is not exceeded and (2) 
replacement of certain components that meet EPA's equipment replacement 
provision criteria;
Clean Air Interstate Rule: (interstate rule): The rule would require 29 
states and the District of Columbia to revise their state 
implementation plans to include control measures to reduce emissions of 
sulfur dioxide and/or nitrogen oxides. 

Based on EPA's finding that the 29 states and the District of Columbia 
contribute significantly to nonattainment of the national ambient air 
quality standards for fine particles and/or 8-hour ozone in downwind 
states, EPA would require statewide sulfur dioxide and nitrogen oxide 
reductions. Besides requiring reductions on controls for power plants, 
the proposed rule discusses a model multistate cap and trade program 
that states could choose to adopt. The model trading program would be 
proposed in a supplemental action.

Short title: Proposed rule in the Federal Register;
Mercury rule[A]: 69 Fed. Reg. 4652, 01/30/2004;
New Source Review routine maintenance: 67 Fed. Reg. 80290, 12/31/2002;
Clean Air Interstate Rule: (interstate rule): 69 Fed. Reg. 4566, 
01/30/04.

Short title: Date of economic review for proposed rule;
Mercury rule[A]: The assessment consisted of (1) an EPA memorandum to 
the docket on Economic and Energy Impact Analysis for the MACT 
rulemaking on 01/28/2004; (2) a memorandum to the docket called the 
regulatory flexibility analysis on 12/15/2003; and (3) a MACT benefit 
analysis of 01/2004;
New Source Review routine maintenance: 11/2002;
Clean Air Interstate Rule: (interstate rule): 01/2004.

Short title: Workgroup initiated date;
Mercury rule[A]: 04/06/2001;
New Source Review routine maintenance: 02/11/2002;
Clean Air Interstate Rule: (interstate rule): Prior to 08/30/2003.

Source: The Federal Register.

[A] The proposed rule also addressed nickel emissions. A supplemental 
notice of proposed rulemaking was published in March 2004.

[End of table]

EPA officials told us that they did not consider environmental justice 
while drafting two of these three proposed rules. Moreover, in our 
analysis of these rules' economic reviews, we found no discussion of 
environmental justice for two of the three rules. Finally, when 
published in the Federal Register, none of the proposed rules discussed 
environmental justice.

Workgroups Devoted Little Attention to Environmental Justice:

The three workgroup chairs provided initial reports to senior 
management in tiering forms to help establish the level of senior 
management involvement needed in developing the rule. In these initial 
reports, all three proposed rules were classified as top priority. The 
forms were to be used to alert senior managers to potential issues 
related to compliance with statutes, executive orders, and other 
matters. Environmental justice was not a specific element on the form 
at the time, and the reports for the three rules did not discuss 
environmental justice.

The chair of the New Source Review workgroup said his group did not 
consider and address environmental justice early in the development 
process because the rule was to be applied nationally and was 
prospective in nature. The chair of the interstate rule workgroup said 
his group conducted no environmental justice analysis. Finally, the 
chair for the mercury workgroup said his group considered environmental 
justice in drafting the proposed rule, but he provided no details about 
how it was considered.

Workgroup members' ability to identify potential environmental justice 
concerns may have been limited by a lack of guidance, training, and 
involvement by environmental justice coordinators. Specifically, all 
three chairs said that their workgroups did not receive guidance for 
how to consider environmental justice when analyzing the rules. 
Furthermore, while the mercury workgroup chair said that he had 
received training on environmental justice, the other two chairs said 
they had received no such training. All three chairs said they did not 
know whether other members in their workgroups had received 
environmental justice training. Also, all three chairs said that 
environmental justice coordinators did not assist their workgroup.

Little Attention Was Devoted to Environmental Justice in the Economic 
Reviews:

EPA prepared an economic analysis for all three rules. Among these 
economic analyses, only the review for the New Source Review rule 
stated that environmental justice was unlikely to be a problem because 
the potential for disproportionate effects generally occurs as a result 
of decisions on siting new facilities, and EPA noted that this rule 
dealt exclusively with existing facilities. The analysis for the 
mercury rule did not discuss environmental justice. The analysis stated 
that--due to technical, time, and other resource limitations--EPA was 
unable to model the changes in mercury emissions that might result from 
the rule. However, EPA stated that to the extent mercury emissions do 
have adverse health effects, the proposed rule would reduce emissions 
and subsequent exposures of people living near power plants.[Footnote 
15] The analysis for the interstate rule did not discuss environmental 
justice. It was not discussed, according to the supervisor for 
economists in the Office of Air and Radiation, because the rule was 
expected to provide nationwide benefits and because EPA lacked the data 
and modeling capability to predict how regulated entities will react to 
the requirements of the rule.

Proposed Rules Did Not Discuss Environmental Justice:

We found no discussion of environmental justice in any of the three 
rules, as they were published in the Federal Register. Neither 
Executive Order 12898 nor EPA guidance requires a discussion of 
environmental justice in proposed rules. According to EPA officials, 
such a discussion was not necessary for these three rules because they 
did not believe the rules would have any environmental justice impacts.

[End of section]

Appendix III:
Scope and Methodology:

To determine how EPA considered environmental justice when developing 
significant rules under the Clean Air Act, as amended, we reviewed an 
EPA database of clean air rules finalized during fiscal years 2000 
through 2004. We assured ourselves that the database was reliable for 
our purposes. Rules are considered significant and sent to the Office 
of Management and Budget for review if their expected annual costs or 
benefits exceed $100 million; they raise novel legal or policy issues; 
or they may interfere with actions undertaken by another federal agency 
or state, local, or tribal governments. In addition, rules that involve 
the Administrator or an interoffice review are considered high priority 
within EPA. We identified 19 clean air rules EPA finalized in our time 
period that were considered significant and a high priority. We then 
reviewed the 19 rules in the Federal Register to identify those rules 
that mentioned the terms "environmental justice" or "Executive Order 
12898" and found 3 rules that mentioned one or both terms. The 16 rules 
that did not mention environmental justice included rules relating both 
to mobile sources, such as a rule to control the emissions of air 
pollution from nonroad diesel engines and fuels, and rules relating to 
stationary sources, such as a final rule to establish a national 
emission standard for hazardous air pollutants at iron and steel 
foundries. We focused on the three rules that mentioned environmental 
justice because we believed they were more likely to demonstrate how 
EPA considered this issue in clean air rulemaking.

To determine how EPA considered environmental justice as it drafted and 
finalized clean air rules, we reviewed EPA documents and interviewed 
EPA officials, including workgroup leaders. To characterize how or 
whether EPA's economic reviews for the rules considered environmental 
justice, we analyzed both the preliminary and final economic reviews 
for each rule and interviewed the supervisor of the economists who 
developed the reviews. To determine whether the public raised 
environmental justice concerns in commenting on proposed rules and how 
EPA addressed those comments, we reviewed EPA documents, such as the 
agency's summaries of comments and responses, and the final rules as 
published in the Federal Register.

We conducted our work between July 2004 and May 2005 in accordance with 
generally accepted government auditing standards.

[End of section]

Appendix IV: Comments from the Environmental Protection Agency:

United States Environmental Protection Agency:
Washington, D.C. 20460:
June 10, 2005:
Office Of Air And Radiation:

Mr. John B. Stephenson:
Director:
Natural Resources and Environment:
U.S. Government Accountability Office:
Washington, D.C. 20548:

Dear Mr. Stephenson:

The Environmental Protection Agency's Office of Air and Radiation (OAR) 
takes environmental justice seriously. OAR has taken a comprehensive 
look at its programs to determine how, with respect to air quality, to 
achieve "the fair treatment of people of all races, cultures, and 
incomes with respect to the development, implementation, and 
enforcement of environmental laws, and policies, and their meaningful 
involvement in the decisionmaking processes of the government."[1] 
OAR's goal is to achieve environmental justice by decreasing the burden 
of environmental risks on all communities by improving air quality[2] 
Indeed, as stated by then Administrator Whitman, "Environmental justice 
is achieved when everyone, regardless of race, culture, or income, 
enjoys the same degree of protection from environmental and health 
hazards."[3]

EPA is disappointed that the Draft Report does not accurately reflect 
the progress we are making in achieving environmental justice with 
respect to air pollution; nor does it accurately reflect the way in 
which the three final rules GAO reviewed, and EPA's development of 
them, address environmental justice issues. The Draft Report focuses on 
three final rules: two mobile source rules issued in the Clinton 
Administration and a rule issued last year establishing a framework for 
bringing all areas in the country into attainment with the national 
health-based ozone standard. When objectively examined on the record, 
the three final rules reviewed by GAO demonstrate that OAR paid 
appropriate attention to environmental justice during the rulemakings. 
The Draft Report's description of how EPA considered environmental 
justice in these rules contains a number of factual inaccuracies and 
misleading statements, and omits important information. These three 
final rules do not provide support for GAO's conclusions and 
recommendations.

More importantly, we believe GAO's approach is too narrow and does not 
ask the right questions. The Draft Report focuses on process issues--
like whether environmental justice was listed on an intra-agency form 
used to track a rule. It completely neglects the most important issues--
do the rules advance or hinder environmental justice? Do they help 
provide cleaner air to the people who need it? Judged against these 
standards, these three rules, and OAR's program in general, show that 
OAR is making important progress in addressing environmental justice 
issues.

Summary:

Contrary to the Draft Report's conclusion, the three final rules GAO 
reviewed demonstrate that OAR paid appropriate attention to 
environmental justice issues. EPA concluded that one of the three final 
rules, the Phase I Ozone Implementation Rule (Phase I Rule), did not 
raise environmental justice concerns. No one submitted comments 
disagreeing with EPA's conclusion. In fact, the Phase I Rule 
establishes key elements of the framework to bring all areas of the 
country into attainment with the national health-based 8-hour ozone 
standard--an important environmental justice goal.

It is hard for us to see the Tier 2/Low Sulfur Gasoline Rule (Tier 2 
Rule) as anything but an environmental justice success story. This rule 
will improve air quality for millions of Americans, especially those 
living in urban areas or that otherwise have high exposure to car and 
light-duty truck emissions. The Agency did sufficient analysis to 
identify the potential environmental justice issues and to identify the 
permitting process as the way to address them under the Clean Air Act. 
We then conducted extraordinary outreach efforts with various 
stakeholders, including representatives of the environmental justice 
community and communities near refineries, to determine how to resolve 
conflicting objectives of the refiners and the local communities with 
regard to the permitting process. Due in large part to comments from 
the environmental justice community, EPA declined to adopt some changes 
to the permitting process that were suggested by the refinery industry 
and opposed by the environmental justice community.

The Heavy Duty Diesel Engine/Low Sulfur Diesel Rule (Heavy Duty Diesel 
Rule), which was finalized one year after the Tier 2 rule, helped 
address a specific environmental justice concern - certain communities' 
disproportionate health risks from diesel exhaust. EPA believed that 
the Heavy Duty Diesel Rule raised essentially the same permitting and 
refinery-related environmental justice issues that EPA had just 
successfully worked with stakeholders to address. Thus, EPA proposed to 
resolve those issues the same way for the Heavy Duty Diesel Rule. EPA 
did not receive any public comments from environmental justice or local 
community groups objecting to EPA's proposal to use this approach.

These three rules are part of a larger program that is making 
significant progress in providing cleaner air to communities with high 
pollution levels. One measure of this progress is that almost 85% of 
the areas that were designated nonattainment (i.e., areas that did not 
meet a national, health-based air quality standard) in the early 1990' 
for a particular pollutant now have monitored air quality that meets 
the standard they were violating, as shown in Table 1.[4] EPA devotes a 
significant amount of its air rulemaking resources to bringing cleaner 
air to the cities and other areas that do not meet the health-based 
standards.

Table 1: Progress in Meeting National Health-Based Attainment 
Standards[5]:

Criteria Pollutant: Nitrogen Oxide;
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 1;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 0.

Criteria Pollutant: Sulfur Dioxide;
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 54;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 0.

Criteria Pollutant: Carbon Monoxide;
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 43;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 0.

Criteria Pollutant: Lead;
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 13;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 0.

Criteria Pollutant: Coarse Particles (PM 10);
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 87;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 21.

Criteria Pollutant: Ozone (1-Hour Standard);
Nonattainment Areas as of 1992: 101;
1992 Nonattainment Areas Currently Monitoring Violations(based on 2003 
data): 26.

[End of table]

Phase I Ozone Implementation Rule:

EPA appropriately considered environmental justice during the Phase I 
Ozone Implementation Rule (Phase I Rule) and concluded that, based on 
what the Rule requires and on the ambient air quality standard-setting 
and implementation process, the Phase I Rule does not raise 
environmental justice concerns. The work group spent a sufficient 
amount of time considering and analyzing environmental justice issues 
in the context of this rule.

The Phase I Rule helped establish the framework for states to follow so 
that areas that do not meet the health-based 8-hour ozone standard now 
will meet that standard in the future.[6] Under the Clean Air Act, once 
EPA sets or revises an ambient air quality standard at a level 
requisite to protect public health, states and EPA are then required to 
adopt appropriate pollution reduction plans to bring all areas in the 
country into attainment with the standard. Although EPA had regulated 
ozone for decades, in 1997 EPA determined that new scientific evidence 
warranted setting a new, more stringent standard to protect people from 
ground-level ozone pollution. In setting this standard, EPA considered 
the risk to sensitive populations, such as children and people with 
respiratory problems. Exposure to ozone has been linked to a number of 
health effects, including significant decreases in lung function, 
inflammation of the airways, and increased respiratory symptoms, such 
as cough and pain when taking a deep breath. Respiratory systems of 
children are still developing, and thus are at greater risk from 
repeated exposure to ozone.

EPA and the states have identified which areas of the country are not 
meeting the 8-hour ozone standard and are in the process of setting up 
plans to bring these nonattainment areas into attainment in accordance 
with the Clean Air Act schedule. Bringing these areas into attainment 
with the 8-hour ozone standard is an important environmental justice 
goal; it would make significant progress in providing for the fair 
treatment of all people with respect to air pollution. Implementing the 
8-hour ozone standard will help continue the trend of improving air 
quality. For the 8-hour ozone standard, 2003 ozone levels were 9% lower 
than 1990 levels and 21 lower than 1980 levels.

We continue to believe that the Phase I Ozone Implementation Rule does 
not present environmental justice concerns. Contrary to the 
misimpression conveyed by the Draft Report, public commenters did not 
state that the Phase I Rule raised any environmental justice concerns. 
Nor has GAO identified any environmental justice concerns in the Phase 
I Rule. This is not surprising given that EPA, taking sensitive 
populations into account, set the 8-hour standard at a level requisite 
to protect public health with an adequate margin of safety. The 
implementation process generally, and the Phase I Rule in particular, 
are designed to ensure that all communities attain and maintain the 
national, health-based 8-hour ozone standard.

The Draft Report is confusing and misleading because it does not 
adequately explain when it is referring to the Phase I Rule (which has 
been finalized) and when it is referring to the proposed Ozone 
Implementation Rule (many elements of which have not been finalized). 
EPA initially included all elements of the Ozone Implementation Rule in 
one proposal (June 2, 2003), but later decided to divide the numerous 
elements of the proposal into two groups and promulgate the final Ozone 
Implementation Rule as two separate rules. The first phase was 
published April 30, 2004, but the second phase has not been finalized. 
EPA responded to the public comments on the elements in the Phase I 
Rule, but has not yet responded to comments on portions of the proposal 
that it has not yet finalized.

In the preamble to the proposed rule, EPA took comment on the Clean Air 
Development Communities (CADC) concept (regarding possible state 
adoption of land use planning as a pollution reduction strategy) and 
noted that it might raise environmental justice concerns. As the Draft 
Report notes, public comments were submitted that raised environmental 
justice concerns with this concept. EPA has not responded to these (or 
any other) comments on the CADC concept because, as GAO notes, this 
element has not yet been finalized.[7] Since the Phase I Rule did not 
include a final decision on the CADC concept, EPA had no obligation to 
respond to these comments in the Phase I rulemaking. In fact, it is 
difficult to see how EPA could prepare a response given that we have 
not yet made any final decision on this element of the proposal.

GAO should state explicitly that the public comments did not raise 
environmental justice issues on the Phase I Rule and that EPA was not 
required in that final rule to respond to environmental justice issues 
on an element of the proposed Ozone Implementation Rule that we have 
not finalized. The Draft Report is inconsistent (or at least 
confusing), claiming that public commenters stated that all three rules 
(which could be read to include the Phase I Rule) raised environmental 
justice issues, but later noting that EPA has not finalized the element 
of the proposed Ozone Implementation Rule that prompted the comments 
about environmental justice. The Draft Report could also be read as 
criticizing the Agency for failing to respond to environmental justice 
comments on one element of the proposed Ozone Implementation Rule. Such 
criticism would be unfair because EPA responded to comments on the 
issues raised by the elements in the final Phase I Rule, commenters did 
not raise environmental justice issues on the Phase I Rule elements, 
and EPA is simply not in a position to respond to comments on a concept 
on which it has not yet taken final action.

The Tier 2/Low Sulfur Gasoline Rule:

The Tier 2/Low Sulfur Gasoline Rule (Tier 2 Rule), which was issued in 
December 1999, tightened emission standards for cars and light-duty 
trucks (including sport utility vehicles) and established a low sulfur 
requirement for gasoline. The low sulfur gasoline requirement was 
necessary to enable the vehicles' pollution control equipment to 
operate properly. As a result, we have passenger vehicles that are 77% 
to 95% cleaner than 2003 vehicles. The rule was designed in large part 
to help reduce ozone pollution, especially in large, urban areas where 
emissions from passenger vehicles represent a relatively large 
contribution to the problem. Limiting passenger vehicle emissions of 
ozone precursors is one of the keys to ensuring that areas come into 
(and stay in) attainment with the health-based ozone standards. For 
example, in the Tier 2 Rule, we estimated that before large numbers of 
Tier 2 vehicles are on the road, passenger vehicles would represent 
about 16% of nitrogen oxides (NOx) emissions and 13% of Volatile 
Organic Compounds (VOC) emissions nationally. These numbers are higher 
in some urban areas: 34% of NOx and 17 % of VOC in Atlanta, 24% of NOx 
and 15% of VOC in Charlotte. EPA's Tier 2 analysis estimated that, by 
the time Tier 2 vehicles are fully phased in, the contribution of 
passenger vehicles would drop dramatically, to about 5% of NOx and 9% 
of VOC emissions nationwide.

We agree with GAO that this rule raises potential environmental justice 
issues. The Draft Report is incorrect in stating or implying that the 
Agency believes otherwise. In the preamble to the final Tier 2 rule, in 
a section labeled "Environmental Justice," we stated,

We believe it is important to understand and address concerns relating 
to potential localized emissions increases from refineries that make 
significant process changes to meet the requirements of the Tier 2 
rule. To this end, the Agency has already taken some actions to 
mitigate potential environmental justice concerns.

65 FR at 6774. It is clear that the Agency's official position was that 
Tier 2 raised potential environmental justice issues. Otherwise there 
would have been nothing to mitigate. Furthermore, EPA officials told 
GAO that the Tier 2 Rule raised potential environmental justice issues 
due to the potential for emission increases at some refineries. In the 
Preamble to the Final Tier 2 Rule, EPA published its belief that, 
"Although we expect residual emissions increases at some refineries 
even after installing the stringent level of emissions controls 
required under the Act, for the vast majority of areas, we believe that 
these potential refinery emissions increases will be very small 
compared to the Tier 2 benefits in those same local areas." That 
statement indicates EPA's belief that Tier 2 would not cause 
environmental justice issues in the vast majority of areas, but it also 
demonstrates that EPA understood that some areas (albeit not the vast 
majority) were facing a potential net increase in emissions and, thus, 
potential environmental justice issues.

The Draft Report (particularly the Highlights page) misleadingly 
creates the impression that EPA did not recognize or address 
environmental justice concerns, when actually EPA was quite sensitive 
to them. In fact, EPA took action to address environmental justice 
concerns based on the potential for such concerns to arise rather than 
requiring proof that such concerns would arise. Given what EPA knew 
about the NSR permitting process and the great incentive it gave 
refineries to make changes without increasing emissions, and given the 
commitments EPA made regarding the permitting process, EPA staff 
believed that, as a factual matter, as the rule was implemented, it was 
unlikely to pose environmental justice concerns. However, EPA 
recognized that there was the potential for local emissions increases, 
and thus the potential for environmental justice concerns, and took 
steps to address that potential.

The Draft Report should not state that EPA officials told GAO that the 
Tier 2 rule, as published in final form, did not create environmental 
justice issues without explaining the context given above and noting 
that the Agency took steps to address potential environmental justice 
concerns. The Draft Report also should not state that EPA "published 
its belief that the rule would not create such [environmental justice] 
issues" without noting that this statement appeared in the Response to 
Comments technical support document in a paragraph that acknowledged 
the potential for environmental justice concerns, that it did not 
appear in the preamble that was published in the Federal Register, and 
that the published preamble acknowledged potential environmental 
justice concerns and set forth steps EPA took to mitigate those 
concerns.

Having identified potential environmental justice issues (i.e., 
potential refinery emissions increases), EPA identified the new source 
review (NSR) permitting process, a largely state-run program required 
by the Clean Air Act, as the way to address potential increased 
refinery emissions. Under the NSR permitting program, a refinery that 
wanted to increase its emissions significantly would have to obtain a 
permit, which would require local air quality modeling and could 
require the installation of pollution control equipment. By operating 
the NSR permitting program (which is designed to provide environmental 
protection for all citizens) the states are working to achieve the goal 
of environmental justice, although, as the Draft Report notes, the 
states are not subject to the environmental justice Executive Order 
(EO). Some local community representatives noted some concerns with 
relying on state agencies, but Congress made the decision in the Clean 
Air Act that local authorities are in a better position than EPA to 
assess and protect local interests related to emissions increases at 
existing refineries. EPA did not receive any public comments suggesting 
that EPA should issue a national rule limiting potential refinery 
emissions increases resulting from meeting Tier 2 requirements.

Theoretically, EPA could have decided not to issue the low sulfur fuel 
requirements and the tighter emissions standards for cars and trucks. 
Even if that option was legally permissible, it was unacceptable. It 
would have meant foregoing important air quality improvements for the 
millions of people that are exposed to motor vehicle emissions and 
resulting air pollution, including people in urban areas and other 
communities suffering from heavy air pollution burdens. EPA is not 
aware of any public comment filed by representatives of the 
environmental justice community, national or local environmental 
groups, or communities near refineries recommending that EPA not issue 
the Tier 2 Rule.[8]:

GAO does not conclude or suggest that we had a different option for 
addressing these potential environmental justice issues. Rather, the 
main conclusion of the Draft Report on this front is that we should 
have done more analysis so we could better quantify the environmental 
justice issues. Even if additional analysis could have been done in a 
meaningful time period, it could not have changed EPA's decision that 
NSR permitting was the way to address these potential increased 
refinery emissions.

EPA and various stakeholders focused a significant amount of attention 
on the permitting process because of conflicting objectives related to 
the process. Environmentalists and environmental justice 
representatives desired a robust permitting process to protect air 
quality in communities near refineries, while refiners saw the permit 
process as a potential obstacle to timely compliance with the proposed 
low sulfur rule. Refiners suggested several ways of limiting or 
removing this "obstacle," including options that would have allowed 
refiners to make significant emissions increases at the facility while 
avoiding the permitting process altogether. Representatives of the 
environmental justice community were particularly troubled by the 
suggestion that, because of national environmental benefits, refiners 
would be allowed to increase emissions without going through the local 
permitting process. Some of the refiners' suggested approaches (which 
the proposal preamble discussed and on which it took comment) would 
have limited or eliminated local communities' ability to participate in 
the permit process.

Because local communities' opportunity for meaningful participation in 
the permitting process for refineries is itself an important 
environmental justice value, suggested changes to the permitting 
process raised environmental justice issues independent of the 
potential for increased local emissions. The Draft Report seems to miss 
completely the environmental justice ramifications of the permitting 
process with respect to local communities' opportunity for meaningful 
participation - even though the environmental justice EO recognizes the 
opportunity for public participation as an important component of 
environmental justice. EPA staff who worked on the Tier 2 rulemaking 
recall the permitting issue as the one about which environmental 
justice representatives were most concerned.

Having identified the way to address the potential emissions increases 
that raised environmental justice concerns and being aware of the 
environmental justice issues raised by options that would limit public 
participation in permitting refinery changes, EPA spent a considerable 
amount of time trying to understand and reconcile the conflicting 
objectives related to refinery permitting for Tier 2 changes. An OAR 
environmental justice coordinator was heavily involved in development 
of EPA's resolution of the permitting process issues and became an ad 
hoc member of the Tier 2/low sulfur work group around the time the rule 
was proposed. In addition, a representative from EPA's Office of 
Environmental Justice (OEJ) was involved in a number of conference 
calls regarding the permitting issues after the proposed rule was 
published. GAO's statement that OAR environmental justice coordinators 
were not involved in the Tier 2 rulemaking is either incorrect or 
misleading given the coordinator's involvement in the Tier 2-related 
permitting issues.

The Agency took extraordinary measures to facilitate participation by 
environmental justice representatives and others in the rulemaking 
process on these issues. As described in the final rule preamble (65 FR 
at 6774):

[OAR] and the Alternative Dispute Resolution Team in the Office of the 
Administrator implemented a national convening process which was 
designed to bring together a broad spectrum of stakeholders to explore 
with them their perceptions and views of issues associated with Tier 2 
permitting and to assess the potential for a collaborative process to 
address specific implementation issues at some time in the future. The 
convening was carried out by an outside neutral who conducted 
interviews with representatives from selected EPA offices, States, 
industry, environmental groups, and environmental justice 
organizations. Second, EPA held informational briefings and provided 
background materials to the National Environmental Justice Advisory 
Council's (NEJAC) Air and Water Subcommittee and Enforcement 
Subcommittee to provide an opportunity for them to provide feedback and 
recommendations to the Agency. Finally, in October 1999, we met with 
both national environmental groups and environmental justice advocacy 
representatives, to discuss their views on the permitting aspects of 
the proposed rule.

The environmental justice organizations' comments and concerns affected 
EPA's final action. EPA affirmed the importance of public participation 
in local permitting decisions and made it clear that none of the 
measures we adopted would limit public participation in the permitting 
process, thereby protecting an important environmental justice value. 
EPA rejected many of the methods the industry had suggested for 
expediting permit decisions or allowing refineries new methods to avoid 
triggering the permit process. EPA committed to facilitate 
communication among permit applicants, permitting authorities and 
community members in the hope that the community concerns could be 
expressed and resolved as early as possible in the permitting process. 
EPA also committed to provide broad guidance on Best Available Control 
Technologies, to issue guidance on potential use of mobile source 
reductions as offsets, and to form permit teams which would be able to 
assist, when requested, communities, states and refiners who might have 
special concerns.

The Draft Report's conclusion that EPA paid "limited" attention to 
environmental justice issues related to the final Tier 2 rulemaking is 
contradicted by the amount of time and effort EPA spent resolving 
issues related to the refinery permitting process, and the fact that 
EPA ultimately agreed with the position of environmental justice 
community representatives and rejected many of the industry-supported 
suggestions for modifying the permitting process for Tier 2-related 
refinery changes. Further analysis was not required by the 
environmental justice EO and could not have changed the result.

Heavy Duty Diesel Engines/Low Sulfur Diesel Rule:

The Heavy Duty Diesel Engine/Low Sulfur Diesel Rule (Heavy Duty Diesel 
Rule), which was issued in December 2000, will provide the cleanest 
running heavy-duty trucks and buses in history. These vehicles will be 
95 percent cleaner than today's trucks and buses. As with Tier 2, low 
sulfur fuel requirements were necessary to enable the engines' 
pollution control equipment to operate properly. By addressing diesel 
fuel and engines together as a single system, the rule will reduce 2.6 
million tons of smog-causing nitrogen oxide emissions each year once 
the program is fully implemented. Emissions of soot, or particulate 
matter, will be reduced by nearly 110,000 tons each year. As a result, 
the emission reductions will prevent 8,300 premature deaths, 5,500 
cases of chronic bronchitis, and 17,600 cases of acute bronchitis in 
children. It will also avoid over 360,000 asthma attacks and more than 
386,000 cases of respiratory symptoms in asthmatic children annually. 
The rule will prevent 1.5 million lost work days, 7,100 hospital 
admissions and 2,400 emergency room visits for asthma every year. By 
any measure, this rulemaking provides significant and meaningful public 
health protection.

EPA paid an appropriate amount of attention to environmental justice 
issues during the development of the Heavy Duty Diesel rule, which was 
proposed just months after the Tier 2 rule was finalized. The 
environmental justice issues were virtually identical to those that EPA 
had just resolved as part of the Tier 2 rulemaking process, so EPA 
relied on the work that had been done during the Tier 2 rulemaking and 
proposed to resolve the issues the same way.

The heavy duty diesel rule presented essentially the same environmental 
justice issues as did the Tier 2 rule, with one exception. The rule 
itself was responsive to specific environmental justice concerns that 
had been raised by local community groups and environmental groups 
regarding exposure to diesel exhaust in communities near heavy truck 
traffic. One report found that "These affected communities, and the 
workers at these distribution facilities with heavy diesel truck 
traffic, are bearing a disproportionate burden of the health risks."[9] 
Numerous environmental justice and local environmental representatives 
supported the heavy duty diesel rule, and the main environmental 
justice concern expressed was the need to reduce diesel emissions as 
soon as possible.

EPA clearly stated early in the development of the diesel rule that it 
would follow the same approach to permitting (and therefore, the same 
approach to environmental justice issues related to potential refinery 
emissions increases) that had been set up for Tier 2-related permits. 
We did not receive negative comments on this proposed approach by 
members of the environmental justice community or other public health 
groups.

The Draft Report's criticism of EPA for failing to respond to 
environmental justice comments on the diesel rule appears to be based 
on a misunderstanding of the rulemaking process. EPA was not obligated 
to respond to these comments because they were filed on the Advanced 
Notice of Proposed Rulemaking (ANPRM).[10] The ANPRM was published in 
May of 1999, while EPA was still involved in the Tier 2 rulemaking and 
before EPA had finished its outreach efforts with stakeholders and 
resolved the Tier 2 refinery permitting issues. An ANPRM provides an 
opportunity for interested stakeholders to provide input to EPA early 
in the process as the Agency is developing a proposed rule. To the 
extent appropriate, EPA takes comments on the ANPRM into account in 
developing the proposal. Although commenters apparently conveyed 
concerns about localized emissions increases based on the specific 
request for comments in the ANPRM, they did not repeat these comments 
once they had the opportunity to review the specific proposal we issued 
in June, 2000. EPA assumes this is because the commenters were 
satisfied with the way the proposal addressed the issues. EPA does not 
have a legal or policy obligation to respond to comments filed on an 
ANPRM, and it is not OAR's practice to develop a Response to Comments 
document for comments on an ANPRM.

OAR'S Environmental Justice Plan:

Understanding OAR'S approach to environmental justice requires more 
than a review of a few isolated rules. To improve air quality in all 
communities, we start with the base of air quality improvements we can 
achieve by issuing strong, national rules under the Clean Air Act. 
Although these national programs are an important component of 
decreasing environmental risks to all communities, OAR recognizes that 
they are not wholly sufficient. In some instances, some communities, 
including minority and low-income communities, will face a higher level 
of environmental risk than the general population and will need 
reductions beyond what we can provide through national rules. OAR staff 
attempt to identify specific areas where minority and low-income 
populations are being disproportionately exposed to environmental 
hazards or where there are potential benefits to minority and low-
income communities (i.e., through transportation and air quality 
improvements, mass transit policies, and voluntary programs). Since 
1998, OAR staff have worked closely with the National Environmental 
Justice Advisory Council's (NEJAC's) Air and Water Subcommittee and 
other grassroots organizations to ensure the integration of 
environmental justice in our programs, policies, and activities in a 
manner which is consistent with existing environmental laws and 
implementing regulations. As a result of these discussions, we are 
involved in a number of activities that, in collaboration with local 
communities, focus on getting emission reductions that are of 
particular concern to those communities.

Since 1970, steps taken under the Clean Air Act have dramatically 
reduced air pollution in the United States, producing significant 
health benefits. Many of these emission reductions and health benefits 
have occurred in both urban and rural areas with environmental justice 
concerns. Everyday, clean air programs across the nation prevent 
roughly: 

* 600 premature deaths;

* 2,000 cases of chronic illness, such as asthma and bronchitis;

* 300,000 cases of minor respiratory illness, such as aggravated 
asthma; and:

* 75,000 people from missing work.

The cornerstone of the Clean Air Act is the program to set and attain 
the health-based national ambient air quality standards (NAAQS), which 
is done for six pollutants. EPA sets these at a level requisite to 
protect public health with an adequate margin of safety. In doing so, 
the standards are to protect sensitive populations, such as the 
elderly, children or people with respiratory or circulatory problems. 
EPA then works with states and tribes to set up monitoring networks to 
determine which areas do not meet the standards. Often these areas are 
urban areas. Each state is then responsible for ensuring that all areas 
within its authority meet the standards on a schedule set out in the 
Clean Air Act. EPA has oversight authority over the state plans and has 
authority to issue some national rules that will help areas meet the 
standards. The goal of the NAAQS program is clean air (as defined by 
the standard) everywhere. Achieving this goal should address 
environmental justice issues with respect to these regulated pollutants 
in most, if not all, communities. OAR has identified continued review 
and implementation of the NAAQS as one of its key environmental justice 
initiatives.[11]

We are making great progress in meeting these standards, as shown in 
Table 1 above. Nationally, since 1970, the country has reduced its 
emissions of these key pollutants by 50%.

In 1997, EPA tightened the ozone standard, setting a new 8-hour ozone 
standard, and, for the first time, set a standard for fine particles 
(PM2.5). EPA recently designated 112 areas nonattainment for the 8-hour 
ozone standard (effective 2004) and 47 areas nonattainment for the 
PM2.5 standard (effective in 2005). Although we are at the beginning of 
the Clean Air Act process for bringing these areas into attainment, we 
have already taken significant steps to provide them with cleaner air. 
For nonattainment areas in the eastern half of the country, which are 
significantly affected by transported pollution from other states, all 
but five ozone areas and 14 PM2.5 areas are projected to come into 
attainment by 2015 as a result of the Clean Air Interstate Rule (CAIR, 
issued March 9, 2005) combined with the Tier 2 and Heavy Duty Diesel 
Rules and other existing state and federal programs. Additional state 
or local controls will be needed to bring the remaining areas into 
attainment.

Emissions of air toxics, which are covered by a different Clean Air Act 
regulatory regime, are of particular interest to the environmental 
justice community because of the proximity of many minority and low- 
income communities to the generators of toxic emissions (e.g., 
industrial facilities, waste transfer stations, roadways, bus 
terminals). EPA rules issued since 1990 are expected to reduce 
emissions of 188 air toxics by 2.5 million tons a year from chemical 
plants, oil refineries, aerospace manufacturing and other industries. 
Motor vehicle and fuel programs put in place since 1990 will reduce 
total vehicular air toxics by approximately 40 percent.

In addition to national rulemakings, OAR is focusing additional 
resources on nonregulatory programs, in part due to environmental 
justice concerns. OAR is leading an agency-wide effort to develop and 
implement a new community-based, multi-media toxics program, the 
Community Action for a Renewed Environment (CARE) program. CARE is 
designed to help communities develop collaborative partnerships to 
examine and reduce the cumulative risk from toxics, including air 
toxics, in their communities. While CARE is not limited to 
environmental justice communities, it is designed to address the needs 
of those communities. EPA also has an idle reduction program to reduce 
air pollution and conserve fuel from idling trucks and locomotives. EPA 
has set up non-regulatory, incentive-based, voluntary programs designed 
to reduce air pollution from existing school buses and other diesel 
engines by replacing old buses and by installing pollution-reducing 
technology.

Factual Inaccuracies and Omissions:

We have attached a list containing some of the additional, specific 
problems with the Draft Report.

Conclusion:

EPA agrees with GAO that EPA should ensure that it devotes attention to 
environmental justice when developing Clean Air Act rules. We believe 
the three final rules reviewed in the Draft Report demonstrate that EPA 
devoted appropriate attention to environmental justice issues.

The evidence regarding EPA's consideration of environmental justice 
during development of three final rules does not support the 
conclusions and recommendations in the Draft Report.

Sincerely,

Signed by:

Jeffrey R. Holmstead:
Assistant Administrator:

Attachment:

Notes:

[1] See Administrator Whitman's Memorandum of August 9, 2001.

[2] OAR's 2004-2005 Action Plan to Integrate Environmental Justice at 
Page 8.

[3] See n. 1.

[4] As discussed later in this letter, in 1997 EPA determined that new 
scientific evidence warranted a health-based standard for fine 
particles and a new, more stringent standard (the 8-hour standard) for 
ozone. EPA is working with states to meet the Clean Air Act timetable 
for bringing into attainment those areas that do not currently meet the 
1997 standards.

[5] There are often slight year-to-year variations in the number of 
1992 Nonattainment Areas monitoring violations. Please note that EPA 
included essentially the same table in a May 18, 2005, Letter from Mr. 
Holmstead to Mr. Stephenson regarding GAO's draft report entitled "EPA 
Has Completed Most of the Actions Required by the 1990 Amendments, but 
Many Were Completed Late." The table in the previous letter, which 
showed a higher number of areas monitoring violations than does the 
table in this letter, contained some incorrect information.

[6] In particular, it set forth the classification scheme for 
nonattainment areas and the requirements for states' continued 
obligation with respect to the old, 1-hour ozone standard. The Phase I 
Rule revoked the old, generally less stringent 1-hour standard and 
adopted measures to avoid backsliding between the time the 1-hour 
standard was revoked and the time an area meets the 8-hour standard.

[7] In fact, EPA believes the CADC concept was never a definitive 
enough proposal to proceed directly to final rulemaking without a 
subsequent, more substantive proposal. As part of a larger rulemaking 
package, it is not uncommon for EPA to take comment on concepts that 
the Agency is considering but that are not yet developed enough for a 
full proposal, as it did here. This alerts stakeholders to and 
facilitates discussion on emerging concepts at an early stage of their 
development. EPA's use of this approach on the CADC strategy explains 
the seemingly contradictory statements GAO noted in the preamble to the 
proposed rule. Although the section on the CADC concept suggested that 
it might raise environmental justice issues, EPA stated in the 
"Environmental Justice" discussion that the proposed Ozone 
Implementation Rule did not raise environmental justice concerns. CADC 
was an emerging concept on which EPA was attempting to facilitate 
discussion. Although EPA proposed draft regulatory text for the 
remainder of the proposal (68 FR 46536 (Aug. 6, 2003)), we did not 
propose regulatory text for the CADC concept and did not believe it was 
definitive enough to be considered part of the proposed rule for 
analytical purposes.

[8] Although, in special outreach sessions convened by EPA related to 
the Tier 2 permitting issues, individual representatives of some local 
groups said they did not want their air quality to get worse even if 
there was a net environmental benefit nationally, it is not clear 
whether they specifically wanted EPA to stop the Tier 2 Rule.

[9] Exhausted by Diesel: How America's Dependence on Diesel Engines 
Threatens Our Health, Natural Resources Defense Council, Coalition for 
Clean Air, May 1998.

[10] According to GAO staff, the comments to which we did not respond 
were on the ANPRM. The environmental justice related comments on the 
proposal were submitted by refiners and expressed a concern that 
environmental justice issues would delay permit issuance; EPA responded 
to these comments.

[11] OAR 2004-05 EJ Action Plan at Page A-2.

The following are our comments on the Environmental Protection Agency's 
letter dated June 10, 2005.

GAO Comments:

1. We disagree with EPA's assertion that the Air Office paid 
appropriate attention to environmental justice issues. We found that 
EPA devoted little attention to environmental justice in four phases of 
drafting the rules and considered environmental justice to varying 
degrees in the three phases of finalizing them. EPA provided virtually 
no new information on its activities during these phases.

2. EPA was referring to our report entitled Clean Air Act: EPA Has 
Completed Most of the Actions Required by the 1990 Amendments, but Many 
Were Completed Late, [Hyperlink, http://www.gao.gov/cgi-bin/getrpt?GAO-
05-613] (Washington, D.C.: May 27, 2005).

3. As we stated, several public commenters said that the ozone 
implementation rule, as proposed in June 2003, could have potential 
environmental justice impacts. As we also stated, in April 2004, EPA 
finalized a portion of the ozone implementation rule, which it then 
called Phase I; but it did not include the provision that drew the 
public comments on environmental justice. EPA officials are still 
considering this provision for a second phase of the rule implementing 
a new ground-level ozone standard, called Phase II. It is true, as EPA 
stated, that we did not identify any environmental justice issues in 
the Phase I rule. However, our objective was not to identify such 
issues with the rules, but to review how EPA considered environmental 
justice in developing the rules.

4. On the basis of EPA's letter, we added clarification about the 
"seemingly contradictory statements" in our discussion of the ozone 
implementation rule.

5. As we stated, public commenters did raise such issues about all 
three rules as they were proposed. As we also stated, EPA did not 
finalize the portion of the ozone implementation rule that it, and 
others, said could raise environmental justice issues.

6. While EPA stated that our report is misleading and needs further 
explanation of context, it is not clear from EPA's comments how the 
agency would want us to frame this issue differently. First, EPA 
comments that EPA staff believed that, as a factual matter, as the rule 
was implemented, it was unlikely to pose environmental justice issues. 
Similarly, we state in the report that EPA officials believed that the 
final rules did not create environmental justice issues. Second, EPA 
stated that we should note the steps that the agency took to address 
potential environmental justice concerns. We did so, noting EPA's 
discussion of these steps in the final rule. Moreover, in its letter, 
EPA stated that it agreed with us that the gasoline rule (finalized in 
February 2000) would create "potential environmental justice issues." 
It was public commenters, not we, who raised concerns about potential 
environmental justice issues.

7. We clarified in the Highlights page and other portions of the report 
to note that EPA officials told us, after the rules were finalized, 
that none of the rules created an environmental justice issue.

8. We clarified the source of EPA's statements. The preamble of the 
final rule is discussed in our report.

9. According to EPA, we stated that the Air Office's environmental 
justice coordinators were not involved in the gasoline rulemaking. In 
fact, we stated only that the coordinators were not involved in 
developing the rule, as opposed to public outreach efforts, where they 
were involved. EPA's description of how and when a coordinator was 
involved buttressed our point. According to EPA's letter, the 
environmental justice coordinator was involved only in resolving 
"permitting process issues" and became involved only "around the time 
the rule was proposed." Similarly, according to EPA's letter, the 
Office of Environmental Justice representative was involved only in 
discussions of "permitting issues" and only "after the proposed 
[gasoline] rule was published." Thus, it appears that in neither case 
were they substantively involved in drafting this rule. We added 
language in the report clarifying the discussion of the process.

10. As EPA noted, it devoted resources to seeking public involvement 
while finalizing the gasoline rule. Accordingly, we changed our 
characterization of EPA's efforts in finalizing the three rules.

11. EPA's public involvement policy provides that it will, to the 
fullest extent possible, respond to public comments. We did not see a 
distinction in the policy between comments on Advanced Notices of 
Proposed Rulemaking and comments on proposed rulemakings. However, EPA 
interprets its policy as requiring a response to comments on the latter 
but not the former, and we have revised our report accordingly.

[End of section]

Appendix V:
GAO Contact and Staff Acknowledgments:

GAO Contact:

John B. Stephenson (202) 512-3841:

Staff Acknowledgments:

In addition to the individual named above, the key contributors to this 
report were John Delicath, Michael A. Kaufman, David Marwick, Thomas 
Melito, and Daniel J. Semick. Tim Guinane, Anne Rhodes-Kline, and Amy 
Webbink also made important contributions.

(360479):

FOOTNOTES

[1] EPA, Action Development Process (June 30, 2004); Memorandum, 
Initiation of EPA's New Regulatory and Policy Development Process (July 
1994).

[2] President Clinton issued Executive Order 12866 on September 30, 
1993, to begin a program to reform the regulatory process and make it 
more efficient.

[3] The document, called an "analytic blueprint," is to be developed 
for high-priority rules, according to the 1994 EPA guidance on 
rulemaking, to provide an opportunity for early identification of 
issues and for the workgroup to reach agreement on how issues will be 
resolved. According to the guidance, senior management approval 
provides managers with the opportunity to engage in a dialogue with the 
workgroup on the analyses that will support the rule.

[4] In commenting on our report, EPA explained its "seemingly 
contradictory statements" about the proposed ozone implementation rule. 
It said that it sought comments on the proposal, which it said "might 
raise environmental justice concerns," to alert stakeholders and 
facilitate discussions, and that the proposal was not definitive enough 
to proceed to final rulemaking.

[5] A public docket serves as the repository for the collection of 
documents or information related to a particular agency action or 
activity. It generally consists of documents specifically referenced in 
the Federal Register, any public comments received, and other 
information used by decision makers or otherwise related to the agency 
action or activity.

[6] EPA, Public Involvement Policy of the U.S. Environmental Protection 
Agency, EPA 233-B-03-2002, May 2003, which updated a 1981 policy.

[7] EPA's analysis covered counties and parishes.

[8] EPA, Tier 2 Motor Vehicle Emissions Standards and Gasoline Sulfur 
Control Requirements: Response to Comments, EPA 420-R-99-024, December 
1999.

[9] In commenting on our draft report, EPA noted that the agency was 
not obligated to respond to these comments because they were filed on 
an Advanced Notice of Proposed Rulemaking, which provides an 
opportunity for interested stakeholders to provide input to EPA early 
in the process, and the agency takes such comments into account to an 
appropriate extent. Furthermore, EPA said commenters did not repeat 
these concerns when the proposal was issued about a year later, and EPA 
assumed this was because they were satisfied.

[10] Of the 19 clean air rules that EPA finalized during the time 
period we reviewed and that met our criteria, the 3 rules we reviewed 
were the only ones that mentioned environmental justice in the final 
rule.

[11] The preamble to a rule contains additional text that explains the 
rationale behind a proposed or final rule.

[12] 67 Fed. Reg. 80290 (2002). EPA issued a final rule on the 
equipment replacement portion of the New Source Review rule in October 
2003. 68 Fed. Reg. 61248. EPA has not finalized the remainder of the 
rule.

[13] 69 Fed. Reg. 4652 (2004). EPA issued a final mercury rule in March 
2005. 70 Fed. Reg. 28606.

[14] 69 Fed. Reg. 4566 (2004). EPA issued a final rule on the 
interstate rule in March 2005. 70 Fed. Reg. 25162.

[15] See EPA, Benefit Analysis for the Section 112 Utility Rule, which 
is EPA's analysis of a technology-based approach to reducing mercury 
emissions from a current level of 48 tons per year to a projected 34 
tons per year by 2008. EPA did not finalize this approach; instead, it 
finalized an alternative approach to reducing mercury emissions to 38 
tons per year in 2010 and 15 tons annually by 2018.

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